Civilian steer
Some parts of Punjab do not suffer from terrorist attacks arguably because they are a sanctuary for militants.
The writer is a PhD in conflict studies and an independent security analyst. He has also taught at the University of Central Lancashire, UK
If the current spate of terrorism in Pakistan could be ascribed to the Taliban movement in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) as an insurgency, then this has to be countered by a counter-insurgency campaign by the new government. Counter-insurgency or COIN is said to be only 20 per cent military and 80 per cent civilian-led in nature, so the civilian ability to augment the military aspect, as well as the tensions between them, become relevant in drawing up and implementing a national security doctrine. This applies not only to COIN but also to the bigger issues like the ability of the state to prosecute and interrogate terrorists. The civilian criminal justice structure has correspondingly remained incapable of lawfully convicting terrorists, allowing many to escape through the judicial process, despite many laws which are enacted but not properly implemented.
Civilian structures, like the Parliamentary Committee on National Security (PCNS) and the National Counter Terrorism Authority, have largely been talking shops till now, which is a general reflection of poor governance by civilian structures across the board. Politicians have not been able to add much clarity to this unsatisfactory state of affairs so far. They have also failed to mobilise the Pakistani public properly in eradicating the twin menace of terrorism and extremism, even though the public itself is now overwhelmingly against terrorism and seems to long for peaceful existence.
Even though legal frameworks such as robust counterterrorism laws are needed, ideological sanction is also important in the fight against terrorism to ease the apprehensions of the common Pakistanis. Even though there have been fatwas issued by the federally-driven Council of Islamic Ideology (CII)as a religious narrative by the state, the council needs to be reinvigorated as the official Islamic stakeholder of the government, and again, has to issue unequivocal statements against terrorism. Other ministries such as the (now-devolved) youth, women’s affairs and the religious affairs ministries can be galvanised to take up traction following from the initiatives of the CII, within the ambit of a security doctrine. Stand-alone initiatives will not go in any concerted directions as has been demonstrated by various such initiatives before. For that very reason, another sister parliamentary committee on national security should be set up by the incoming government to reinvigorate the parliamentary oversight. The cabinet should be tasked with taking in-camera briefings about recommendations from the PCNS at least once a month, which could make this committee a seriously taken affair.
South Punjab is a problem. This “other” Punjab does not suffer from terrorist attacks as have been witnessed in cities in Punjab, like Lahore and Rawalpindi, arguably because it is a sanctuary for the very militants that carry out attacks in other parts of Punjab and Pakistan. Rural districts in southern Punjab seem to have become sanctuaries and training areas for banned Punjabi terrorist groups, and Pashtun and al Qaeda fighters escaping Fata, in the wake of operations there. Grinding poverty, corruption, extremist religious seminaries and socio-economic inequities are a recipe for disaster in the area, with the populace living below the poverty line in southern and western Punjab, being more than that in the three provinces of Sindh, Balochistan, and K-P combined.
Moreover, the borders of south Punjab share certain topographical features with tribal areas, which makes permeation of militants easy even if entry points from K-P to Punjab could be manned effectively, which is a big question mark. Any strident steps, which do not generate agreement on this most sensitive of political issues can lead to a hue and cry, negating any efforts to reach workable solutions. An incremental solution is preferable, with a parliamentary committee formed to try to reach some agreement on south Punjab issues. This has to be representative of the government and the opposition. All of this has to be attempted now, sooner than later, because of the challenges posed by extremism.
Published in The Express Tribune, July 2nd, 2013.
Civilian structures, like the Parliamentary Committee on National Security (PCNS) and the National Counter Terrorism Authority, have largely been talking shops till now, which is a general reflection of poor governance by civilian structures across the board. Politicians have not been able to add much clarity to this unsatisfactory state of affairs so far. They have also failed to mobilise the Pakistani public properly in eradicating the twin menace of terrorism and extremism, even though the public itself is now overwhelmingly against terrorism and seems to long for peaceful existence.
Even though legal frameworks such as robust counterterrorism laws are needed, ideological sanction is also important in the fight against terrorism to ease the apprehensions of the common Pakistanis. Even though there have been fatwas issued by the federally-driven Council of Islamic Ideology (CII)as a religious narrative by the state, the council needs to be reinvigorated as the official Islamic stakeholder of the government, and again, has to issue unequivocal statements against terrorism. Other ministries such as the (now-devolved) youth, women’s affairs and the religious affairs ministries can be galvanised to take up traction following from the initiatives of the CII, within the ambit of a security doctrine. Stand-alone initiatives will not go in any concerted directions as has been demonstrated by various such initiatives before. For that very reason, another sister parliamentary committee on national security should be set up by the incoming government to reinvigorate the parliamentary oversight. The cabinet should be tasked with taking in-camera briefings about recommendations from the PCNS at least once a month, which could make this committee a seriously taken affair.
South Punjab is a problem. This “other” Punjab does not suffer from terrorist attacks as have been witnessed in cities in Punjab, like Lahore and Rawalpindi, arguably because it is a sanctuary for the very militants that carry out attacks in other parts of Punjab and Pakistan. Rural districts in southern Punjab seem to have become sanctuaries and training areas for banned Punjabi terrorist groups, and Pashtun and al Qaeda fighters escaping Fata, in the wake of operations there. Grinding poverty, corruption, extremist religious seminaries and socio-economic inequities are a recipe for disaster in the area, with the populace living below the poverty line in southern and western Punjab, being more than that in the three provinces of Sindh, Balochistan, and K-P combined.
Moreover, the borders of south Punjab share certain topographical features with tribal areas, which makes permeation of militants easy even if entry points from K-P to Punjab could be manned effectively, which is a big question mark. Any strident steps, which do not generate agreement on this most sensitive of political issues can lead to a hue and cry, negating any efforts to reach workable solutions. An incremental solution is preferable, with a parliamentary committee formed to try to reach some agreement on south Punjab issues. This has to be representative of the government and the opposition. All of this has to be attempted now, sooner than later, because of the challenges posed by extremism.
Published in The Express Tribune, July 2nd, 2013.