Roots of a forgotten ritual

One of Mohenjo-Daro’s most striking seals likely depicts religious practices that foreshadow Hindu traditions

KARACHI:

The Seal of Divine Adoration is a remarkable artefact that captivates archaeologists with its intricate narrative scene, sparking ongoing debates on its socio-religious significance. Thought to serve as a mnemonic device, this seal offers profound insights into early religious practices and their later influence on Hinduism. Currently displayed at the Islamabad Museum in Pakistan’s capital, it continues to astonish researchers and visitors with its rich detail and historical implications.

One of the most striking seals from Mohenjo-Daro features a deity adorned with a horned headdress and bangles on both arms, standing within a sacred pipal (fig) tree, gazing down at a kneeling worshiper. A human head is placed on a small stool, while a giant ram and a procession of seven figures further enrich the narrative, creating a scene filled with symbolic meaning and ritual significance.

Asko Heikki Siegfried Parpola, who is a Finnish Indologist current professor emeritus of Indology at the University of Helsinki, specialises in the Indus Valley Civilisation, specifically the study of the Indus script, writes in his fascinating book ‘Deciphering the Indus Script’ “An anthropomorphic figure has knelt in front of a fig tree, with hands raised in respectful salutation, prayer or worship. This reverence suggests the divinity of its object, another anthropomorphic figure standing inside the fig tree. In the ancient Near East, the gods, goddesses, and their earthly representatives, the divine kings and queens functioning as high priests and priestesses, were distinguished by a horned crown. A similar crown is worn by the two anthropomorphic figures in the ‘fig deity seal. Among various tribal people of India, horned headdresses are worn by priests on sacrificial occasions.”

Dr. J.M. Kenoyer, a leading authority on the ancient Indus civilisation, is a Professor of Anthropology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. Since 1986, he has been a key figure in the Harappa Archaeological Research Project (HARP), conducting extensive excavations at the ancient city of Harappa. In his most well-known book, Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley, he writes: “In the lower register is a procession of seven robed figures with long braids, short curved head ornaments, and arms covered with bangles. Some scholars identify the attendants as priestesses, but no specific gender is indicated. Without examples of female figurines with long braids and single-plumed head ornaments, we cannot determine if the procession comprises male or female attendants.”

The seal from Mohenjo-Daro has sparked significant academic debate regarding its portrayal of ancient Indus’s beliefs and traditions. Some scholars argue that this artefact encapsulates more religious and cultural symbolism than any other regional seal. The script signs, interspersed among the figures along the top and at the tree’s base, suggest a possible ritualistic context. One interpretation posits that the scene depicts a ritual sacrifice to a deity, with seven figures in the procession, emphasising a deeper socio-religious meaning.

Key elements of the seal, such as the horned headdress deity standing in a sacred pipal tree, the kneeling worshiper, and the human head resting on a stool, invite comparisons to later Hindu practices. The giant ram and seven figures wearing plumed headdresses and long skirts further complicate its narrative.

 

Scholars, including Parpola, have drawn parallels between the seal and early Hindu myths, particularly the birth of the war god Rudra/Skanda, linking the seven figures to the Pleiades. Parpola argues that in Hindu cosmology, the Pleiades, identified as the wives of the seven sages (the Great Bear stars), play a significant role as caretakers of the newborn sun god.

However, interpretations of the seal’s iconography remain contentious. Some view the connection between Indus seals and later Hindu beliefs as speculative, urging caution in reading too much into the mythological parallels. The exact meaning of the seal’s intricate imagery, from the deity’s posture to the role of the ram and procession, continues to fuel discussion, leaving room for further analysis and discovery.

The seal depicts a goat and a kneeling human before a tree containing a figure, with a row of seven attending figures below. This is not the only instance where seven human figures are depicted in such a context. The number seven holds deep significance in Indian culture. In the Rgveda, for example, one of the “Sarasvati Hymns” venerates the Sarasvati River as one of seven sisters, underscoring the cultural and symbolic importance of the number in early Indian tradition.

“She hath spread us beyond all foes, beyond her Sisters, Holy One.

As Surya spendeth out the days.

Yea, she most dear amid dear streams, Seven-sistered, graciously inclined.

Sarasvati hath earned our praise.

Guard us from hate Sarasvati, she who hath filled the realms of earth.

And that wide tract, the firmament!

Seven-sistered, sprung from threefold source,

Five Tribes prosper, she must be invoked in every deed of might.”

The geography of the Rgvedais centred on the Punjab region, where the “seven sisters” refer to the Sapta Sindhava—the “seven rivers” of the area, including the Indus in the west and extending to the Ghaggar-Hakra in the east. Given the cultural continuities that connect ancient India, it is plausible that the concept of the “seven river sisters” was inherited from Harappan sources rather than an original creation of the Vedic pundits.

Several scholars, including Asko Parpola, have suggested that the seven figures represented in the seal may be associated with the seven Rishis (seers) or the seven Mothers of more recent times. They could symbolise the children of Brahma and Sarasvati, the seven sages of the Ursa Major constellation. Alternatively, the figures may represent the Pleiades, another constellation of profound significance in early Indian cosmology.

The Pleiades and the Seven Sages depict six or seven women, possibly representing the Pleiades, on an Indus seal that has intrigued modern paleographers studying the ancient script of Mohenjo-Daro. In the Seal of Divine Adoration, numerals are marked by repeating short vertical strokes, strikingly similar to the contemporary Tamil style. The pictogram for ‘six’—represented by six short strokes divided into two lines —appears alongside a ‘fish’ symbol, forming a syntactic unit. This combination aligns with the Old Tamil compound aru-meen, meaning ‘six-star,’ which refers to the Pleiades constellation. In ancient Indian astronomy, this cluster of stars marked the beginning of the new year around the 23rd century B.C., when the sun passed through the Pleiades at the vernal equinox.

The Pleiades are essential in Hindu mythology as the mothers or wet nurses of the newborn war-god Rudra/Skanda, who symbolise the victorious rising sun and, as the vernal sun, the new year. According to Hindu mythology, the Pleiades were the wives of the seven sages, represented by the seven stars of the Great Bear constellation. In ancient Tamil, the Great Bear was called elu-meen—‘seven-star—a concept reflected in the Indus pictograms of ‘7’ and ‘fish,’ which together form the entire inscription on one intricately carved seal.

In the Satapatha-Brahmana, it is stated that six of the Pleiades were separated from their husbands due to infidelity, while only Arundhati, the faithful wife, remained with her husband. She is identified with the small star Alcor in the Great Bear constellation, symbolising marital virtue, a role highlighted in Vedic marriage rituals. Evidence for the Harappan origin of this myth comes from Indus seals that depict a row of six or seven figures. Their feminine identity is suggested by the long single plait of hair—a characteristic feature of Indian women that persists to this day.

The Seal of Divine Adoration presents a compelling depiction of what many scholars believe to be the worship of a Mother Goddess, incorporating significant Indus symbols. According to Dr. J.M. Kenoyer, the seal shows a pipal tree divided into two branches with three leaves. The central deity wears a horned headdress from which a curved branch emerges. The goddess’s look is shown in profile, with a long ponytail spreading down the back, and both arms are decorated with bangles. A bow worshiper, gift what seems to be a human head positioned on a stool, faces the goddess. The worshiper, wearing a horned headdress featuring three pipal leaves, mirrors the triple leaves on the tree branches. Behind the worshiper stands a giant ram, and a series of script signs at the top of the seal may reference the ritual or the deity itself. Below the central scene, a procession of seven-robed figures with long braids, curved head ornaments, and arms covered with bangles is depicted.

All the human figures, except the kneeling worshiper, wear bangles, suggesting that the seal portrays a female deity, possibly the leader of a group of seven divine women, being worshipped by a male figure, likely a king or demi-god, as indicated by his horned headdress and pipal leaves on his crown. Some scholars have drawn comparisons to the Hindu goddess Chamunda, a fierce aspect of the Divine Mother. Chamunda, also known as Chamundeshwari, Charchika, and other names, is associated with the slaying of the monsters Chanda and Munda. She is often linked with the goddess Kali and other avatars of the Divine Mother, such as Parvati, Chandi, or Durga. Chamunda is frequently portrayed near cremation grounds or sacred fig trees, which closely aligns with the imagery seen in the Seal of Divine Adoration.

Sir Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, an Indian intellectual and social campaigner, considered that Chamunda was created as an ethnic goddess worshipped by the Munda society of central India’s Vindhya Range. These tribes were reputed for their rituals, which included animal and human sacrifices, often accompanied by liquor offerings—a tradition later absorbed into Tantric worship following the assimilation of Chamunda into Hinduism. The depiction of seven female figures on the seal has drawn comparisons to the Saptamatrikas, a group of mother goddesses in Hinduism typically shown together. The Saptamatrikas include Brahmani, Vaishnavi, Maheshvari, Indrani, Kaumari, Varahi, and Chamunda. In Shaktism and Tantric traditions, they are revered as formidable deities who assist the goddess Durga in her battle against demons. Chamunda, often considered the leader of the Saptamatrikas, stands out as the only one worshipped independently, while the others are generally venerated collectively.

The large animal depicted on the seal is believed to be a male Markhor, a majestic animal native to the mountainous regions of Central Asia, the Karakoram, and the Himalayas. Recognised for its distinctive screw-shaped horns, the Markhor is well-adapted to elevations ranging from 2,000 to 11,800 feet and is known for its agility in rugged terrains. Its bleating resembles that of domestic goats, and the Markhor’s presence on the seal adds further cultural significance, particularly as it is Pakistan’s national animal.

The Seal of Divine Adoration remains one of the most enigmatic and evocative artefacts from the Indus Valley Civilisation. Its intricate iconography continues to ignite scholarly debate, offering fascinating insights into the socio-religious practices of the Harappan people. The symbolic elements—such as the horned deity, sacred pipal tree, kneeling worshiper, and the procession of seven figures—invite comparisons to later Hindu traditions, including those of the Mother Goddess, the Saptamatrikas, and constellations like the Pleiades. Whether interpreted as a scene of divine worship, sacrificial rites, or cosmic symbolism, the seal opens a window into the spiritual and cultural landscape of the Bronze Age. Now housed at the Islamabad Museum, it continues to captivate scholars and visitors alike, reminding them of the enduring mystery and legacy of the ancient Indus civilisation.

 

Arshad Awan is a Lahore based author, educationist, local historian, and brand strategist, and can be reached at arshadawan@msn.com

All facts and information are the sole responsibility of the author

 

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