Decolonisation and social entrepreneurship

Arshad Nadeem's gold medal victory at the Paris Olympics 2024 provided a rare moment of collective joy as the country celebrated its 77th Independence Day. This festivity unfolded against a backdrop of ongoing challenges, both documented and disregarded. Prior to this, International Youth Day was observed in the usual manner by UN agencies and their partners in Pakistan. As someone who dedicated a significant portion of her prime years to youth development - working directly with undermined communities and the gatekeepers , bringing youth from remote and neglected areas to the first international youth conference on human development in 2003, and collaborating with international partners on the complex intersection of youth, sexual and reproductive health rights, and gender equality - I view the latest developments in the social development sector with growing dejection and dread.

This anxiety stems from dismal human development and gender equality indicators, flawed framing of reforms in public institutions, compounded by unabashed controls to mask these realities with glossy reports, colorful ceremonies, viral podcasts, and so on. There are numerous sudden leaders, with an agenda-based promotion of young, attractive faces often showcased for political or other unclear reasons. Concurrently, there is a team of imported, expensive experts of both Pakistani and non-Pakistani origins, who take a major share of developmental aid. Instead of bringing about transformative change, they are turning the homeland into a large laboratory for social change experiments. These remarkable individuals however should not be assuming stewardship over the social development of the 'wretched of the earth' in our country. Due to persistent elite capture, the country is unlikely to achieve genuine progress on the 2030 Agenda for the 17 SDGs. While social entrepreneurship and decolonisation have become buzzwords in conversations generated by powerful platforms and promoted by funded allies, the loss of meaning and spirit creates a fear of unknown boundaries among old-school activists and awakened dreamers like myself.

It is essential to understand decolonisation. The concept was first introduced in the 1930s by German economist Moritz Julius Bonn to describe former colonies that had achieved self-governance, often through armed and bloody struggles for independence. Among the key thinkers supporting decolonisation efforts after World War II was Frantz Fanon, whose work remains highly influential today. Poka Laenui (2000) outlines five phases of the decolonisation process: rediscovery and recovery; mourning; dreaming; commitment; and action. The term "colonialism" originates from the Latin word "col?nia", meaning "a place for agriculture", and refers to a policy and practice by which a power extends control over weaker peoples or areas. Decolonisation, then, is the process of removing colonial influence, which involves undoing the control exerted by one group over the lands, resources, languages, cultures and relationships of another.

Identifying what does not constitute decolonisation is equally important. One might question whether former consultants or staff from exploitative platforms, whose own children are settled abroad, are ethically entitled to lead political movements in Pakistan, instruct ordinary young people to avoid attending university, becoming street vendors, or cutting ties with donors, or advise them on their futures. Genuine decolonisation involves empowering local communities, addressing systemic inequities, and respecting self-determination - principles that are dented by arrangements disconnected from these values.

Rethinking social innovation is emerging in various academic disciplines. For instance, in a 2019 paper titled "Decolonising Social Innovation for Global Development", Harvard student Naigwe Najjemba Lee Kalema rightly argued - referring to the White Savior Industrial Complex - that decolonising social innovation requires moving away from a savior mentality in global development. This approach often prioritises the experiences of privileged actors and perpetuates power imbalances rooted in colonial legacies, even in well-intentioned efforts. I wonder if there is any readiness to address this approach, which effectively sustains inequalities between actors from Global South and Global North. While I hope for resolute actions in addressing this, I am deeply concerned that any change might occur in a calculated manner, likely purposefully overlooking the usual conflicts of interest, as evidenced by the worrisome number of dual nationals holding influential positions in civil bureaucracy and the private sector in Pakistan.

In Pakistan, what we are witnessing is a drama of decolonisation, where social entrepreneurship - or the illusion of it - is being used as a deceptive tool. Had there been even the slightest political will, combined with grassroots civil society efforts (not the usual elites who always get a seat at the table and attract donor attention), the picture could have been very different. Democratising decision-making in social development and ensuring that marginalised voices not only have influence but also guide the conversation can help dismantle colonial legacies and elite capture. But who will do it? The elites would not give up their privileges, and the poor do not have such opportunities.

Not only do space limitations but also the risks associated with naming the façade of successful social entrepreneurship or rebranded NGOs in Pakistan admonish me to refrain from doing so. This does not mean that there is no social good in Pakistan. The noble and extraordinary services of the legendary Edhi, Dr Ruth Pfau, Chippa, Prof Dr Adeeb Rizvi and Dr Amjad Saquib need no validation. However, I have yet to reconcile the concepts of charity with social entrepreneurship and its potential to challenge colonisation.

Pakistan officially needs to determine its current stance, speed and status on decolonisation. This process will undoubtedly raise uncomfortable questions: How can we decolonise our women who, like elsewhere, remain doubly colonised by imperialism and normative male dominance and misogyny? How do we challenge the coloniality embedded in power structures, economy, knowledge and culture? Furthermore, what are the strategies to engage with international players, donors and technical aid agencies while cultivating decolonised ecosystems, social innovations, and designing decolonised academia and activism?