Defence contractors in US politics
The sales of the top-100 global arms suppliers and service-providing conglomerates rose by 4.8% to $420b in 2018
The writer is a private professional and writes on geopolitical issues and regional conflicts
The sales of the top-100 global arms suppliers and service-providing conglomerates rose by 4.8% to $420 billion in 2018, according to data by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). US firms sustained to dominate the list, accounting for 59% or $246 billion of the worldwide defence market.
For the first time since 2002, all top five slots were held by American companies: Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and General Dynami, which together had a sweeping 35% share of $148 billion in 2018. Since these five are also major defence contractors of the US Department of Defense (DOD), the data mirrored the American companies’ profiting from their government’s policy to expand its global political and military influence.
It is the same tenacious strategy that drove all US presidents to implement Pentagon’s predetermined goal to drum up the country’s arms exports and aided its arms suppliers’ shares to triple over the last five years.
Arms sales and defence trade are key tools of US foreign policy that lets it thwart regional security, support its military industrial base, reduce the cost of arms procurement and secure 2.4 million American jobs associated with the arms industry.
The Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), DOD’s subordinate organisation responsible for international defence contracts, distinctly aims to “advance US national security and foreign policy interests” by strengthening the capabilities of foreign security forces. In all major armed conflicts in the world today, US arms manufacturers have been the definite victors.
America is intensely pursuing its core objective of expanding its global footprint through military sales, particularly in Asia. Out of the total 2014-2016 US defence exports, Washington delivered $214.3 billion worth of arms to Asian nations. About 55% ($117.2 billion) of arms transfers were destined for Southeast Asia, while weapons worth $77.4 billion went to the Middle East and another $67.5 billion to European countries.
While the US winds up the War on Terror, it is deeply concentrating on the great-power competition with China and Russia.
Former American president Dwight Eisenhower first warned about “unwarranted influence” wielded by the US “military industrial complex” in his farewell speech in 1961, which allowed arms producers to “install” their top management officials into DOD to derive mammoth advantages.
In January 2017, Jim Mattis resigned from the General Dynamics’ Board of Directors to serve as Pentagon’s head, only to resign and re-join the former organisation in July. Likewise, as Boeing gained much from the appointment of its ex-vice president Patrick Shanahan as defense secretary, Raytheon is likely to take advantage of its former lobbyist and current US Secretary of Defense, Mark Esper.
The role of US defence equipment manufacturers in not confined to Pentagon only. Every year, they pour millions of dollars on lobbying, political contributions and other sorts of infiltratory and peddling tactics to influence US policies.
An OpenTheBooks’ oversight reported that for every one dollar invested in lobbying by American companies, including arms producers, they received $1,000 in federal contracts and grants. In September 2018 alone, Boeing and Lockheed received $14 billion in US federal contracts. In a good year, Lockheed receives up to $50 billion in government contracts, a sum larger than the operating budget of the State Department.
The rising sway of arms suppliers in the country’s politics is becoming an open truth. OpenSecrets data on the 2020 election cycle unearthed that leading US arms companies contributed about $12 million to federal candidates, parties and outside groups by November 21. Shockingly, defence bills’ critic Bernie Sanders out-collected Trump manifold.
The arms sales figures, US labelling defence trade as a vital gizmo of its foreign policy, DSCA assertion to step up American interests by reinforcing allies’ forces and political contributions and lobbying investments explicitly revealed US defence contractors’ growing clout in American politics and policies.
Published in The Express Tribune, December 26th, 2019.
For the first time since 2002, all top five slots were held by American companies: Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon and General Dynami, which together had a sweeping 35% share of $148 billion in 2018. Since these five are also major defence contractors of the US Department of Defense (DOD), the data mirrored the American companies’ profiting from their government’s policy to expand its global political and military influence.
It is the same tenacious strategy that drove all US presidents to implement Pentagon’s predetermined goal to drum up the country’s arms exports and aided its arms suppliers’ shares to triple over the last five years.
Arms sales and defence trade are key tools of US foreign policy that lets it thwart regional security, support its military industrial base, reduce the cost of arms procurement and secure 2.4 million American jobs associated with the arms industry.
The Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), DOD’s subordinate organisation responsible for international defence contracts, distinctly aims to “advance US national security and foreign policy interests” by strengthening the capabilities of foreign security forces. In all major armed conflicts in the world today, US arms manufacturers have been the definite victors.
America is intensely pursuing its core objective of expanding its global footprint through military sales, particularly in Asia. Out of the total 2014-2016 US defence exports, Washington delivered $214.3 billion worth of arms to Asian nations. About 55% ($117.2 billion) of arms transfers were destined for Southeast Asia, while weapons worth $77.4 billion went to the Middle East and another $67.5 billion to European countries.
While the US winds up the War on Terror, it is deeply concentrating on the great-power competition with China and Russia.
Former American president Dwight Eisenhower first warned about “unwarranted influence” wielded by the US “military industrial complex” in his farewell speech in 1961, which allowed arms producers to “install” their top management officials into DOD to derive mammoth advantages.
In January 2017, Jim Mattis resigned from the General Dynamics’ Board of Directors to serve as Pentagon’s head, only to resign and re-join the former organisation in July. Likewise, as Boeing gained much from the appointment of its ex-vice president Patrick Shanahan as defense secretary, Raytheon is likely to take advantage of its former lobbyist and current US Secretary of Defense, Mark Esper.
The role of US defence equipment manufacturers in not confined to Pentagon only. Every year, they pour millions of dollars on lobbying, political contributions and other sorts of infiltratory and peddling tactics to influence US policies.
An OpenTheBooks’ oversight reported that for every one dollar invested in lobbying by American companies, including arms producers, they received $1,000 in federal contracts and grants. In September 2018 alone, Boeing and Lockheed received $14 billion in US federal contracts. In a good year, Lockheed receives up to $50 billion in government contracts, a sum larger than the operating budget of the State Department.
The rising sway of arms suppliers in the country’s politics is becoming an open truth. OpenSecrets data on the 2020 election cycle unearthed that leading US arms companies contributed about $12 million to federal candidates, parties and outside groups by November 21. Shockingly, defence bills’ critic Bernie Sanders out-collected Trump manifold.
The arms sales figures, US labelling defence trade as a vital gizmo of its foreign policy, DSCA assertion to step up American interests by reinforcing allies’ forces and political contributions and lobbying investments explicitly revealed US defence contractors’ growing clout in American politics and policies.
Published in The Express Tribune, December 26th, 2019.