Elections, parties and politics
Elections are the only way to educate voters about power of the vote they hold and the value of the choice they make
The writer is a professor of political science at the Lahore University of Management Sciences. He has also worked for the Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad
Elections are the only way to measure the strength, popularity and public standing of a political party. Periodic elections at any level and at any time puncture false claims, spring surprises, and quite often confirm the old trends. The recent by-election in NA-246 and local elections for the cantonment boards, which took place nearly two years after the national elections, provide some evidence in assessing the party positions and emerging trends in Pakistani politics.
Competitive elections with the plurality of political parties enable the electorate to judge and evaluate the performance of parties, examine closely the credentials of candidates in the running, and make a choice that suits their interests. Voting behaviour in Pakistan has improved over several general elections, but the social forces and loyalties at the local level still determine the final choice, often with disregard for the record of their leaders while they are in power. Elections are the only way to educate voters both about the power of the vote they hold and the value of the choice they make for the nation, for political stability and for the good of all. Pakistan as a country, and its voters, have come a long way in this process, which is evident from three trends in Pakistani politics.
First, we see shrinking support for the Pakistan Peoples Party, the first mass-based party with a clear ideological line. The party has faded faster than expected. The most popular comment on the decline of the party is that what Ziaul Haq failed to do when the party was in opposition, the post-Bhutto leaders managed to do when the party was in power. The vision and conviction that formed the party disappeared as entrants to the party did not demonstrate strong ideological leanings, except demonstrating business and other links with Mr Asif Ali Zardari. The party has suffocated in their captivity. It has lost ground in Punjab, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. What remains in Sindh in terms of party strength is the holding together of a feudal-tribal elite network with clear and visible incentives of massive patronage at public expense.
The second obvious trend is the decline of religio-political parties. Pakistani voters have persistently rejected the myth that in an open, plural, competitive democracy, religious parties would win. That might be true of the Middle East because authoritarian rule suppressed mainstream, secular parties. Pakistan has kept the political space open for all shades of ideas, even under military regimes. In the public mind, the religious parties are rather divisive, factional and use religion for power ends.
The third trend is that of the decline of Pakhtun nationalism. The ANP cannot use the ‘exploitation’ of the Pakhtuns as an argument anymore. Having been in power several times, it has proved to the Pakhtuns that it is no different from other parties — actually worse, in terms of corruption, inefficiency and bad governance. The party feeds itself and its cadre with recklessness. The practical side of politics is that no leader or party can feed the public on emotions or rhetoric for too long.
Finally, electoral democracy, let alone liberalism, promotes pragmatic thinking among the voters. They judge parties through what they have accomplished or what they have failed to deliver. Every election, local or national, will move the learning curve upwards.
The big changes, however, are yet to happen. Caste, ethnic voting blocs and loyalties bought through corrupt patronage have yet to disappear. The new parties still have to emerge as a credible answer to the existing ruling cliques.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 29th, 2015.
Competitive elections with the plurality of political parties enable the electorate to judge and evaluate the performance of parties, examine closely the credentials of candidates in the running, and make a choice that suits their interests. Voting behaviour in Pakistan has improved over several general elections, but the social forces and loyalties at the local level still determine the final choice, often with disregard for the record of their leaders while they are in power. Elections are the only way to educate voters both about the power of the vote they hold and the value of the choice they make for the nation, for political stability and for the good of all. Pakistan as a country, and its voters, have come a long way in this process, which is evident from three trends in Pakistani politics.
First, we see shrinking support for the Pakistan Peoples Party, the first mass-based party with a clear ideological line. The party has faded faster than expected. The most popular comment on the decline of the party is that what Ziaul Haq failed to do when the party was in opposition, the post-Bhutto leaders managed to do when the party was in power. The vision and conviction that formed the party disappeared as entrants to the party did not demonstrate strong ideological leanings, except demonstrating business and other links with Mr Asif Ali Zardari. The party has suffocated in their captivity. It has lost ground in Punjab, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. What remains in Sindh in terms of party strength is the holding together of a feudal-tribal elite network with clear and visible incentives of massive patronage at public expense.
The second obvious trend is the decline of religio-political parties. Pakistani voters have persistently rejected the myth that in an open, plural, competitive democracy, religious parties would win. That might be true of the Middle East because authoritarian rule suppressed mainstream, secular parties. Pakistan has kept the political space open for all shades of ideas, even under military regimes. In the public mind, the religious parties are rather divisive, factional and use religion for power ends.
The third trend is that of the decline of Pakhtun nationalism. The ANP cannot use the ‘exploitation’ of the Pakhtuns as an argument anymore. Having been in power several times, it has proved to the Pakhtuns that it is no different from other parties — actually worse, in terms of corruption, inefficiency and bad governance. The party feeds itself and its cadre with recklessness. The practical side of politics is that no leader or party can feed the public on emotions or rhetoric for too long.
Finally, electoral democracy, let alone liberalism, promotes pragmatic thinking among the voters. They judge parties through what they have accomplished or what they have failed to deliver. Every election, local or national, will move the learning curve upwards.
The big changes, however, are yet to happen. Caste, ethnic voting blocs and loyalties bought through corrupt patronage have yet to disappear. The new parties still have to emerge as a credible answer to the existing ruling cliques.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 29th, 2015.