The real crisis
Crisis lies essentially in challenge that Kaptaan has presented to what he rightly portrays old forces or players.
It is an indisputable fact that the country is in deep political crisis that cannot be dismissed by the assertion that the government has a comfortable majority and that all the conventional political parties, except of course, the PTI, are supporting it. There is also a misplaced optimism in the ranks of the government and other parties with high stakes in the political order — from which they benefit immensely — that the protests will peter out. They also build their case on ‘popular mandate’, which means the right to rule on account of majority of seats in the National Assembly, and the constitutional legitimacy that entitles them to the positions they occupy. I am afraid that none of these arguments, nor the bonding together of the old political players in ‘defence’ of the system is going to work. The crisis is much deeper, and it is for real. All declining and dying political forces everywhere have used the system stability argument for their survival.
The crisis lies essentially in the formidable challenge that the Kaptaan has presented to what he rightly portrays the old forces or players. Since they have nothing or very little to show to the public in terms of anything good — rule of law and justice, development or governance — they, like any other political establishment, seek refuge in the procedures they have used to stay in power. Since narratives and political spins matter, they confuse attacks against them as attacks against the Constitution and democracy. They are not the same thing. The challenge is much bigger and more complex than the PML-N government and other political parties trying to defend the ‘system, would like us to believe. The Kaptaan has brought into the public debate, far and wide in Pakistan, for the first time, the real character of three critical institutions that have played a central role in the politics of Pakistan for decades. These are the electoral system, Parliament, and the political parties.
The Pakistani public since long has known the truth about what usually happens on election day and what the parties which come into power have done to reach their good. My own observation is that people at the grassroots level have grown cynical of politics and the political class that appears to be diverse but shares common interest in the status quo. In the absence of real democratic politics — participation and representation — the people have become inert and inactive. Their choice has been limited to two traditional rival parties or candidates affiliated with two political dynasties. For the first time after the rise of the PPP in the 1970s, there appears to be a realistic third choice that might be the first choice in any free and fair elections next time. The Kaptaan has not only given the people of Pakistan a choice but he is saying exactly what the public at large has known for decades about widespread official corruption, dysfunctional institutions and poor state of governance. More importantly, he has brought to public attention the curse of dynastic politics and why it conflicts with the spirit of democracy, corruption and stashing away of looted money in foreign banks and how the powerful sections of the political elites have escaped accountability.
Among all, he has very successfully challenged the credibility of the electoral process that theoretically gives the right to the current governments at the federal and provincial levels to rule. Though belated, he appears to be succeeding in throwing the 2013 elections in serious doubt. His optimism, perseverance and very effective use of media place him in driving political position. It looks, he is not going back without THE wicket.
Published in The Express Tribune, September 24th, 2014.
The crisis lies essentially in the formidable challenge that the Kaptaan has presented to what he rightly portrays the old forces or players. Since they have nothing or very little to show to the public in terms of anything good — rule of law and justice, development or governance — they, like any other political establishment, seek refuge in the procedures they have used to stay in power. Since narratives and political spins matter, they confuse attacks against them as attacks against the Constitution and democracy. They are not the same thing. The challenge is much bigger and more complex than the PML-N government and other political parties trying to defend the ‘system, would like us to believe. The Kaptaan has brought into the public debate, far and wide in Pakistan, for the first time, the real character of three critical institutions that have played a central role in the politics of Pakistan for decades. These are the electoral system, Parliament, and the political parties.
The Pakistani public since long has known the truth about what usually happens on election day and what the parties which come into power have done to reach their good. My own observation is that people at the grassroots level have grown cynical of politics and the political class that appears to be diverse but shares common interest in the status quo. In the absence of real democratic politics — participation and representation — the people have become inert and inactive. Their choice has been limited to two traditional rival parties or candidates affiliated with two political dynasties. For the first time after the rise of the PPP in the 1970s, there appears to be a realistic third choice that might be the first choice in any free and fair elections next time. The Kaptaan has not only given the people of Pakistan a choice but he is saying exactly what the public at large has known for decades about widespread official corruption, dysfunctional institutions and poor state of governance. More importantly, he has brought to public attention the curse of dynastic politics and why it conflicts with the spirit of democracy, corruption and stashing away of looted money in foreign banks and how the powerful sections of the political elites have escaped accountability.
Among all, he has very successfully challenged the credibility of the electoral process that theoretically gives the right to the current governments at the federal and provincial levels to rule. Though belated, he appears to be succeeding in throwing the 2013 elections in serious doubt. His optimism, perseverance and very effective use of media place him in driving political position. It looks, he is not going back without THE wicket.
Published in The Express Tribune, September 24th, 2014.