The first hundred days of Modi
Aside from his inflexible attitude towards Pakistan & media, Modi has done well in his first 100 days.
By most accounts, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has done a good job in his first 100 days in office.
He has provided continuity in the finance ministry, delivering a budget that most economists could not separate from the policies of the previous government. He has reached out to many of India’s neighbours and has done excellently on this front.
It is argued by some that his changes did not go far enough or were not radical enough. In my opinion, that is not a bad thing. Even if he made some promises to his supporters during the campaign, it is well that he has not put them into execution.
This is often the case in democracies and the unnecessary bombast of the campaign is deflated and a more pragmatic position is taken in office. When Modi was interviewed by Japanese journalists a few days ago, The Hindu carried a report of the PM saying: "There is a tradition of national consensus and continuity on such issues. I can tell you that currently, we are not taking any initiative for a review of our nuclear doctrine."
Why did Modi feel the need to assure the world on this matter in such carefully chosen words? Because this is a frighteningly casual reversal by the Bharatiya Janata Party on an important strategic issue.
During the election Modi had claimed in his manifesto (on page 39) that: "[The] BJP believes that the strategic gains acquired by India during the Atal Bihari Vajpayee regime on the nuclear programme have been frittered away by the Congress.” And so the BJP will "study in detail India's nuclear doctrine and revise and update it, to make it relevant to challenges of current times."
It added: “Our emphasis was, and remains on, beginning of a new thrust on framing policies that would serve India's national interest in the 21st century. We will follow a two-pronged independent nuclear programme, unencumbered by foreign pressure and influence, for civilian and military purposes, especially as nuclear power is a major contributor to India's energy sector.”
Now he has said there will not be review and there will be continuity. Either Modi learnt continuity and consensus in his weeks in office, or he did not mean what he said in the manifesto. I suspect the latter, and it was unnecessary because this was not an issue for voters. It was deliberately thrown in the manifesto to act macho and please his extremist supporters in what passes for India's strategic thinkers’ community. But as I have said earlier, it is a very good sign that he showed flexibility on this and reached out to reassure the Japanese that India would not indulge in nuclear adventurism.
The other issue that the Japanese were eager to receive a clarification on, based on what the press release said, was Pakistan. Here, too, Modi was measured.
"India has no hesitation to discuss any outstanding issue within the bilateral framework that has been established under the Simla Agreement and the Lahore Declaration," he said, “we therefore were disappointed that Pakistan sought to make a spectacle of these efforts and went ahead with talks with secessionist elements from Jammu and Kashmir in New Delhi just prior to the meeting of the foreign secretaries.”
But while he wanted to talk, Modi added that "any meaningful bilateral dialogue necessarily requires an environment that is free from terrorism and violence.”
On a TV debate that I also was on, BJP spokesperson MJ Akbar continued with this theme and claimed talks were called off because of firing along the Line of Control (which actually began after the talks were called off).
The fact is that the BJP doesn’t really want to engage with a country it sees as its enemy and is happy to break talks off with any excuse.
Some of Modi’s other old habits have not gone. One in particular is his absolute hatred of the media. It is true that he is often attacked but he is hardly the only one. From Rahul Gandhi and Arvind Kejriwal to Mayawati and Mulayam Singh Yadav, all have had to face fire. But Modi always makes it personal. In Japan he said after visiting Emperor Akihito that “I brought him a Gita as a gift. I do not know what will happen in India after this. There may be a TV debate on this. Our secular friends will create toofan (storm) asking ‘what does Modi think of himself?’ He has taken a Gita with him that means he has made this also communal.” He added "Anyway, they (the media) should also have their livelihood and if I am not there then how will they earn their livelihood?"
This was uncalled for. Nobody in India objected to his giving Akihito the Gita, and for Modi to dismiss all criticism of him as being motivated is wrong.
Aside from his inflexible attitude to these two enemies of his, Pakistan and the media, Modi has done well in his first 100 days. He has won many fans around the world and brought in an element of sobriety and continuity that the markets have enthusiastically cheered.
Published in The Express Tribune, September 7th, 2014.
He has provided continuity in the finance ministry, delivering a budget that most economists could not separate from the policies of the previous government. He has reached out to many of India’s neighbours and has done excellently on this front.
It is argued by some that his changes did not go far enough or were not radical enough. In my opinion, that is not a bad thing. Even if he made some promises to his supporters during the campaign, it is well that he has not put them into execution.
This is often the case in democracies and the unnecessary bombast of the campaign is deflated and a more pragmatic position is taken in office. When Modi was interviewed by Japanese journalists a few days ago, The Hindu carried a report of the PM saying: "There is a tradition of national consensus and continuity on such issues. I can tell you that currently, we are not taking any initiative for a review of our nuclear doctrine."
Why did Modi feel the need to assure the world on this matter in such carefully chosen words? Because this is a frighteningly casual reversal by the Bharatiya Janata Party on an important strategic issue.
During the election Modi had claimed in his manifesto (on page 39) that: "[The] BJP believes that the strategic gains acquired by India during the Atal Bihari Vajpayee regime on the nuclear programme have been frittered away by the Congress.” And so the BJP will "study in detail India's nuclear doctrine and revise and update it, to make it relevant to challenges of current times."
It added: “Our emphasis was, and remains on, beginning of a new thrust on framing policies that would serve India's national interest in the 21st century. We will follow a two-pronged independent nuclear programme, unencumbered by foreign pressure and influence, for civilian and military purposes, especially as nuclear power is a major contributor to India's energy sector.”
Now he has said there will not be review and there will be continuity. Either Modi learnt continuity and consensus in his weeks in office, or he did not mean what he said in the manifesto. I suspect the latter, and it was unnecessary because this was not an issue for voters. It was deliberately thrown in the manifesto to act macho and please his extremist supporters in what passes for India's strategic thinkers’ community. But as I have said earlier, it is a very good sign that he showed flexibility on this and reached out to reassure the Japanese that India would not indulge in nuclear adventurism.
The other issue that the Japanese were eager to receive a clarification on, based on what the press release said, was Pakistan. Here, too, Modi was measured.
"India has no hesitation to discuss any outstanding issue within the bilateral framework that has been established under the Simla Agreement and the Lahore Declaration," he said, “we therefore were disappointed that Pakistan sought to make a spectacle of these efforts and went ahead with talks with secessionist elements from Jammu and Kashmir in New Delhi just prior to the meeting of the foreign secretaries.”
But while he wanted to talk, Modi added that "any meaningful bilateral dialogue necessarily requires an environment that is free from terrorism and violence.”
On a TV debate that I also was on, BJP spokesperson MJ Akbar continued with this theme and claimed talks were called off because of firing along the Line of Control (which actually began after the talks were called off).
The fact is that the BJP doesn’t really want to engage with a country it sees as its enemy and is happy to break talks off with any excuse.
Some of Modi’s other old habits have not gone. One in particular is his absolute hatred of the media. It is true that he is often attacked but he is hardly the only one. From Rahul Gandhi and Arvind Kejriwal to Mayawati and Mulayam Singh Yadav, all have had to face fire. But Modi always makes it personal. In Japan he said after visiting Emperor Akihito that “I brought him a Gita as a gift. I do not know what will happen in India after this. There may be a TV debate on this. Our secular friends will create toofan (storm) asking ‘what does Modi think of himself?’ He has taken a Gita with him that means he has made this also communal.” He added "Anyway, they (the media) should also have their livelihood and if I am not there then how will they earn their livelihood?"
This was uncalled for. Nobody in India objected to his giving Akihito the Gita, and for Modi to dismiss all criticism of him as being motivated is wrong.
Aside from his inflexible attitude to these two enemies of his, Pakistan and the media, Modi has done well in his first 100 days. He has won many fans around the world and brought in an element of sobriety and continuity that the markets have enthusiastically cheered.
Published in The Express Tribune, September 7th, 2014.