Modi’s moment
Modi's success will continue to remind his supporters that the key to his durability will be his performance in office
The writer, a former interior secretary, led the Pakistani team in Indo-Pak parleys on border control and counter-terrorism in 2004
Well-known Indian journalist, Jyoti Malhotra, in a recent article, expressed shock for her little knowledge about the thought process of the people of Pakistan despite the fact that she has been covering this country for so many years. This observation is in response to the views expressed in the Pakistani media on Narendra Modi’s victory in the recent Lok Sabha elections.
Modi's grand victory has been so cross-cutting that it has upset many forecasts, so much so that no opposition party is in a position to lay claim even over the office of the leader of the opposition. Indian democracy certainly deserves kudos for achieving such a remarkable feat, which gives the winning party a clear edge when it comes to pursuing its agenda without any political pressures.
In her article, Malhotra has talked about people’s concerns over the victory of a person under whose rule in 2002, as many as 1,000 Muslims were killed in Gujarat. She has also stated that Modi was never personally indicted by the Indian courts for the death and destruction of 2002. Here it is important to note that while the special investigation team set up by the Indian Supreme Court did not find any evidence against Modi and he was given a clean chit, anyone familiar with the criminal administration system of the subcontinent knows quite well how difficult gathering evidence against a sitting incumbent is, more so, if he is the chief executive of a state with a firm grip over the levers of power. The Court certainly gave him a clean chit but history has not.
The death and destruction in Gujarat was spread over weeks. The unfortunate killings of Muslims were likened by Modi to be the same as a puppy being run over by a speeding car. While riding on the tide of the Gujarat model, he remained indifferent to the plight of over 4,000 displaced families, victims of the pogrom, who are still languishing in ramshackle camps in his home state. During those painful days a so-called hands on chief minister preferred the law enforcement machinery to keep its ‘hands off' in quelling the spate of gruesome violence. He never felt the compunction to accept the huge failure as his responsibility as chief executive of the state. This happened in a country where public leaders, in the past, set enviable examples, quitting office even if they were not at fault. Considering the scale and duration the Gujarat massacre, it is clear that it was by no means an accident.
India has now moved full circle with its electorate having made a categorical choice. A party that vowed to bring economic growth and good governance, employment and empowerment has come into power. Modi will certainly be free from the political hecklings that mar a coalition government. It remains to be seen how he is going to deliver on his promises. A dual streak, however, is discernible in his political chemistry. His commitment to Hindutva as a hardcore Sevak places him in the mode of the Hindu supremacist who loathes Muslims, whereas his pro-business proclivities cast him in the role of a game-changer. The two streaks could run parallel on a tactical level in the short run but these are antithetical in the long run in a country known for deep-seated divisions, both at the regional and communal levels. His key test will be to bridge the trust deficit of Muslims without an expression of public remorse on what happened in Gujarat under his rule.
On our part, Pakistan has previously dealt with the BJP in the late 1970s as well as under Atal Behari Vajpayee. This time, however, there is a difference. Modi is not Vajpayee, a visionary statesman whose visit to Lahore in 1999, left an indelible mark on the minds of a large swathe of Pakistanis. On a personal note, I recall the hoodlums of a right wing party running riot on the road leading to the Lahore Fort where Vajpayee was being feted. Despite this, he remained unruffled and during his engaging speech, comforting his embarrassed hosts. He made another impressionable appearance on the plush lawns of the Governor House, enthralling the audience with his humour and deeply empathetic discourse. It is highly regrettable that the initiative taken by Vajpayee and Nawaz Sharif was scuttled through the Kargil misadventure.
Pakistan now has to move with great circumspection. We need to maintain our poise where form should be as important as substance. There is no point in being over-eager when it comes to dealing with the India-Pakistan relationship. The principle of reciprocity should be given importance while sounding out our Indian counterparts. One does not see any headway happening on territorial issues. Movement on trade should strictly be on the basis of reciprocity, keeping in view our national interests in the long-term. There is a need to look into the visa regime for divided families along with addressing the plight of fishermen from both countries who stray into each other’s territories. The LoC will continue to be a flashpoint. A multi-tiered monitoring system to prevent any untoward incident needs to be put in place. Perhaps, a leaf can be taken out from the success of the McMahon Line arrangement between China and India. Our foremost priority should be on confidence building measures minimising possibilities for undue hard posturing on both sides.
Pakistan also needs to reign in banned organisations and their leaders, who are under UN sanction, yet parading on the streets every second day while expressing so-called yakjehti with the Pakistan armed forces. Where were these protagonists when the brave sons of the armed forces were laying down their lives in the war against terror? The spectacle being put on by banned organisations may end up causing difficulties and become a source of embarrassment as they are not doing anything beneficial for our state institutions.
Modi's success will continue to remind his supporters that the key to his durability will be his performance in office. The Indian electorate has shown the resolve to banish all those who fell short on that count.
Published in The Express Tribune, June 9th, 2014.
Modi's grand victory has been so cross-cutting that it has upset many forecasts, so much so that no opposition party is in a position to lay claim even over the office of the leader of the opposition. Indian democracy certainly deserves kudos for achieving such a remarkable feat, which gives the winning party a clear edge when it comes to pursuing its agenda without any political pressures.
In her article, Malhotra has talked about people’s concerns over the victory of a person under whose rule in 2002, as many as 1,000 Muslims were killed in Gujarat. She has also stated that Modi was never personally indicted by the Indian courts for the death and destruction of 2002. Here it is important to note that while the special investigation team set up by the Indian Supreme Court did not find any evidence against Modi and he was given a clean chit, anyone familiar with the criminal administration system of the subcontinent knows quite well how difficult gathering evidence against a sitting incumbent is, more so, if he is the chief executive of a state with a firm grip over the levers of power. The Court certainly gave him a clean chit but history has not.
The death and destruction in Gujarat was spread over weeks. The unfortunate killings of Muslims were likened by Modi to be the same as a puppy being run over by a speeding car. While riding on the tide of the Gujarat model, he remained indifferent to the plight of over 4,000 displaced families, victims of the pogrom, who are still languishing in ramshackle camps in his home state. During those painful days a so-called hands on chief minister preferred the law enforcement machinery to keep its ‘hands off' in quelling the spate of gruesome violence. He never felt the compunction to accept the huge failure as his responsibility as chief executive of the state. This happened in a country where public leaders, in the past, set enviable examples, quitting office even if they were not at fault. Considering the scale and duration the Gujarat massacre, it is clear that it was by no means an accident.
India has now moved full circle with its electorate having made a categorical choice. A party that vowed to bring economic growth and good governance, employment and empowerment has come into power. Modi will certainly be free from the political hecklings that mar a coalition government. It remains to be seen how he is going to deliver on his promises. A dual streak, however, is discernible in his political chemistry. His commitment to Hindutva as a hardcore Sevak places him in the mode of the Hindu supremacist who loathes Muslims, whereas his pro-business proclivities cast him in the role of a game-changer. The two streaks could run parallel on a tactical level in the short run but these are antithetical in the long run in a country known for deep-seated divisions, both at the regional and communal levels. His key test will be to bridge the trust deficit of Muslims without an expression of public remorse on what happened in Gujarat under his rule.
On our part, Pakistan has previously dealt with the BJP in the late 1970s as well as under Atal Behari Vajpayee. This time, however, there is a difference. Modi is not Vajpayee, a visionary statesman whose visit to Lahore in 1999, left an indelible mark on the minds of a large swathe of Pakistanis. On a personal note, I recall the hoodlums of a right wing party running riot on the road leading to the Lahore Fort where Vajpayee was being feted. Despite this, he remained unruffled and during his engaging speech, comforting his embarrassed hosts. He made another impressionable appearance on the plush lawns of the Governor House, enthralling the audience with his humour and deeply empathetic discourse. It is highly regrettable that the initiative taken by Vajpayee and Nawaz Sharif was scuttled through the Kargil misadventure.
Pakistan now has to move with great circumspection. We need to maintain our poise where form should be as important as substance. There is no point in being over-eager when it comes to dealing with the India-Pakistan relationship. The principle of reciprocity should be given importance while sounding out our Indian counterparts. One does not see any headway happening on territorial issues. Movement on trade should strictly be on the basis of reciprocity, keeping in view our national interests in the long-term. There is a need to look into the visa regime for divided families along with addressing the plight of fishermen from both countries who stray into each other’s territories. The LoC will continue to be a flashpoint. A multi-tiered monitoring system to prevent any untoward incident needs to be put in place. Perhaps, a leaf can be taken out from the success of the McMahon Line arrangement between China and India. Our foremost priority should be on confidence building measures minimising possibilities for undue hard posturing on both sides.
Pakistan also needs to reign in banned organisations and their leaders, who are under UN sanction, yet parading on the streets every second day while expressing so-called yakjehti with the Pakistan armed forces. Where were these protagonists when the brave sons of the armed forces were laying down their lives in the war against terror? The spectacle being put on by banned organisations may end up causing difficulties and become a source of embarrassment as they are not doing anything beneficial for our state institutions.
Modi's success will continue to remind his supporters that the key to his durability will be his performance in office. The Indian electorate has shown the resolve to banish all those who fell short on that count.
Published in The Express Tribune, June 9th, 2014.