Bold words, and a zero-sum game
Criticising Bilawal for breaking from his party’s initial stance is more disingenuous than his changed line itself.
THe PPP patron-in- chief ’s scorching attack on the government and its dialogue process may be a bit disingenuous given that his own Pakistan Peoples Party wholeheartedly supported a dialogue process during both APCs. PHOTO: INP/FILE
Though they may be sceptical of the fecundity of the method, many have held their peace while the government moved forward with its dialogue process with the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). After all, the government does have the mandate, not only after the 2013 polls, but after two successive All-Parties Conferences unanimously approved the path of dialogue. But the events of the last few days merit the throwing of a few critical questions towards the government — and giving more thought to the vocal disapproval of leaders such as Bilawal Bhutto Zardari. The PPP patron-in-chief’s scorching attack on the government and its dialogue process may be a bit disingenuous given that his own Pakistan Peoples Party wholeheartedly supported a dialogue process during both APCs — one of which was actually held under the patronage of his father’s government. Yet, it would be unfair to rubbish criticism solely on the basis of a change of heart by a party. Indeed, much of the dynamic has changed since the dialogue process was first initiated and since the APC vows were first made: attacks by the TTP and allied groups on the state and its citizens continued during the dialogue process — and many of them have been no ordinary ones, with the slaughtering of Frontier Corps (FC) soldiers being a macabre case-in-point. So to criticise Bilawal for breaking away from his party’s initial stance and openly criticising the TTP is more disingenuous than his changed line itself. If nothing else, the voicing of an alternative narrative makes the state’s stand stronger.
There are a few other important questions that come to mind. Now more than ever, the government itself seems split and in disarray over the process. The leaked news of the release of “non-combatant” TTP men on April 3 showcased this when on one hand the prime minister office denied the move, only for the Interior Ministry to confirm it. And no one was sure of the number — was it 16 or 19? Surely this points to issues of coordination if not a lack of consensus within the highest offices of the land. Is everyone really on board? Moreover, the clear secrecy and attempts at concealment also means that the government itself is sceptical of these moves and does not believe they would go down well with a lot of people. And they would be right to believe so. The government has displayed plenty of gestures to the TTP to communicate its sincerity of purpose — whether it is taking the TTP’s word on not having anything to do with attack on the Islamabad district courts or not sanctioning the beheading of FC troops; whether it is sending its negotiation team to the TTP’s place of choice and placing their security in the TTP’s hands by acquiescing to the use of the TTP’s drivers and vehicles to transport them to the secret location; and whether it is the stopping of the aerial bombardment by the military on TTP strongholds. In return, the TTP have simply announced a ceasefire (during which, at least, one high-profile attack has taken place) and, to top it off, have been reluctant to extend it despite the government’s gestures. By the time it released 19 (or 16) TTP non-combatants, the government had already done a lot. Far more than a group that has bathed this country in the blood of innocents for many years now. What about all the non-combatant prisoners held by the TTP? What of Shahbaz Taseer, held for three years now, or Ali Haider Gilani held for over a year? What of Professor Ajmal Khan? The fact is that they should have been released first for the equation to become more balanced.
This is a dangerous time for the government — and they would do well to let the words of a young, albeit emotional and inexperienced, Bilawal weigh heavily on their minds and on the national psyche: do not play into the hands of a mindset that has held the country hostage for so long now. Else, we will merely be perpetuating, and indeed exacerbating, a bloody and violent status quo.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 6th, 2014.
There are a few other important questions that come to mind. Now more than ever, the government itself seems split and in disarray over the process. The leaked news of the release of “non-combatant” TTP men on April 3 showcased this when on one hand the prime minister office denied the move, only for the Interior Ministry to confirm it. And no one was sure of the number — was it 16 or 19? Surely this points to issues of coordination if not a lack of consensus within the highest offices of the land. Is everyone really on board? Moreover, the clear secrecy and attempts at concealment also means that the government itself is sceptical of these moves and does not believe they would go down well with a lot of people. And they would be right to believe so. The government has displayed plenty of gestures to the TTP to communicate its sincerity of purpose — whether it is taking the TTP’s word on not having anything to do with attack on the Islamabad district courts or not sanctioning the beheading of FC troops; whether it is sending its negotiation team to the TTP’s place of choice and placing their security in the TTP’s hands by acquiescing to the use of the TTP’s drivers and vehicles to transport them to the secret location; and whether it is the stopping of the aerial bombardment by the military on TTP strongholds. In return, the TTP have simply announced a ceasefire (during which, at least, one high-profile attack has taken place) and, to top it off, have been reluctant to extend it despite the government’s gestures. By the time it released 19 (or 16) TTP non-combatants, the government had already done a lot. Far more than a group that has bathed this country in the blood of innocents for many years now. What about all the non-combatant prisoners held by the TTP? What of Shahbaz Taseer, held for three years now, or Ali Haider Gilani held for over a year? What of Professor Ajmal Khan? The fact is that they should have been released first for the equation to become more balanced.
This is a dangerous time for the government — and they would do well to let the words of a young, albeit emotional and inexperienced, Bilawal weigh heavily on their minds and on the national psyche: do not play into the hands of a mindset that has held the country hostage for so long now. Else, we will merely be perpetuating, and indeed exacerbating, a bloody and violent status quo.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 6th, 2014.