The legacy of China
In unfolding its boldest economic, social reforms, current leadership is confident it will fulfil responsibilities.
anwer.mooraj@tribune.com.pk
When the embassy of Earl Macartney went to Peking to establish more satisfactory commercial arrangements with the Chinese, not a single Englishman could be found who knew anything of the Chinese language. And so, in the words of John Francis Davis, a member of the mission, “we were somewhat discreditably reduced to the necessity of engaging the services of two Romish priests as interpreters”. Of course, all that changed after World War II; the rise of Mao Tse-tung, the defeat of Chiang Kai-shek and the subsequent emergence of Deng Hsaio Ping many years later. Deng was indisputably the architect of modern China. He was the one who put the nation on the path of recovery and prosperity. According to him, ‘reform is China’s second revolution’.
It is now universally accepted that had the Cultural Revolution continued unabated, it would have severely damaged the country. Deng was a remarkable man. He worked in France during the 1920s, was part of the Long March, was purged twice during the Cultural Revolution, regained prominence in 1978 by out-manoeuvering Mao’s chosen successor, Hua Guofeng, and became a paramount leader (from 1978 to 1992) when he shared power with eight elders.
Many of his quips have found their way into print. Two of his more telling witticisms are often repeated, like the one about the US head of state. “The United States brags about its political system. But the president says one thing during the election, something else when he takes office, something else in midterm and something else when he leaves.” And then there is the famous one about the cat. “It doesn’t matter if a cat is black or white, so long as it catches mice.” Today, the country is in the throes of a massive, unprecedented development and reform programme under the leadership of Xi Jinping, the general secretary of the Communist Party of China. Xi, who broke the glass on emergency ideas, comes across as a no-nonsense administrator anxious to institute reforms. He is a leader who doesn’t mince his words and doesn’t load his speeches with cliches, platitudes and double entendres like some of his predecessors did. The problem with highfalutin addresses is that while their geeky enthusiasm sounds engaging without seeming manipulative, the effect is often maudlin like a slow march, and it is often not easy to separate the wood from the trees.
In unfolding its boldest clutch of economic and social reforms in almost three decades, which includes the abolition of controversial labour camps and courts being separated from local government, the current robust leadership is confident that it will fulfil its responsibilities. It is a pretty tall order, especially after the momentum to expand had displayed signs of slowing down, as critics in the West are quick to point out. Anyway, it will probably take a considerably long time before it bears any fruit. Nevertheless, the leadership’s enthusiasm and keenness to carry them out is unquestionable. One of the main thrusts of the reforms is the promise to install land and residence registration in order to boost the urban population and to allow its transition to a European-style consumption-driven economy, where the pricing of resources, such as electricity and domestic gas would be determined by the market. This would eliminate the somewhat distorted and arbitrary pricing mechanism that existed previously. This would be followed by financial liberalisation.
The big question is: will the Communist Party be able to preserve its monopoly when the reforms have taken root, while allowing market forces to take over, and preserving financial and social stability at the same time?
Published in The Express Tribune, January 26th, 2014.
It is now universally accepted that had the Cultural Revolution continued unabated, it would have severely damaged the country. Deng was a remarkable man. He worked in France during the 1920s, was part of the Long March, was purged twice during the Cultural Revolution, regained prominence in 1978 by out-manoeuvering Mao’s chosen successor, Hua Guofeng, and became a paramount leader (from 1978 to 1992) when he shared power with eight elders.
Many of his quips have found their way into print. Two of his more telling witticisms are often repeated, like the one about the US head of state. “The United States brags about its political system. But the president says one thing during the election, something else when he takes office, something else in midterm and something else when he leaves.” And then there is the famous one about the cat. “It doesn’t matter if a cat is black or white, so long as it catches mice.” Today, the country is in the throes of a massive, unprecedented development and reform programme under the leadership of Xi Jinping, the general secretary of the Communist Party of China. Xi, who broke the glass on emergency ideas, comes across as a no-nonsense administrator anxious to institute reforms. He is a leader who doesn’t mince his words and doesn’t load his speeches with cliches, platitudes and double entendres like some of his predecessors did. The problem with highfalutin addresses is that while their geeky enthusiasm sounds engaging without seeming manipulative, the effect is often maudlin like a slow march, and it is often not easy to separate the wood from the trees.
In unfolding its boldest clutch of economic and social reforms in almost three decades, which includes the abolition of controversial labour camps and courts being separated from local government, the current robust leadership is confident that it will fulfil its responsibilities. It is a pretty tall order, especially after the momentum to expand had displayed signs of slowing down, as critics in the West are quick to point out. Anyway, it will probably take a considerably long time before it bears any fruit. Nevertheless, the leadership’s enthusiasm and keenness to carry them out is unquestionable. One of the main thrusts of the reforms is the promise to install land and residence registration in order to boost the urban population and to allow its transition to a European-style consumption-driven economy, where the pricing of resources, such as electricity and domestic gas would be determined by the market. This would eliminate the somewhat distorted and arbitrary pricing mechanism that existed previously. This would be followed by financial liberalisation.
The big question is: will the Communist Party be able to preserve its monopoly when the reforms have taken root, while allowing market forces to take over, and preserving financial and social stability at the same time?
Published in The Express Tribune, January 26th, 2014.