Look east
While Southeast Asia strikes positive note on so many fronts, there is disturbing streak in form of majoritarianism.
It had been a unique experience as I crossed over from Singapore to Malaysia through the land route in the Johor Baru region. As I crossed the international border as a third country visitor, I could see hordes of buses carrying passengers between Singapore and Malaysia. This is something which is common throughout the region, from the Bintan Island on the tip of Indonesia to the majestic mountains and valleys of Sapa in northern Vietnam. This seamless connectivity is the spice of life in the Asean region. The ease with which movement occurs across the region reminded me of the hassle one had to face while crossing the Wagha-Attari border on foot, which required layers of approvals and many days before the actual journey would begin.
Today, Asean is aspiring to become an economic, political and security community, much in line with the European Union. To its detractors, this may seem like wishful thinking as the region still has a long way to go. As an economic hub, it is, however, drawing foreign direct investment to the tune of $108 billion, while the trade volume is touching over $2 trillion. With a population of 600 million people, its sea waters are three times more in area than its land mass, with the former accounting for the world’s busiest shipping lanes and a vast reservoir of gas and oil. In view of overlapping economic interests and conflicting maritime claims in the South China Sea, the region is not free from tensions and disputes but the fact remains that member countries have acquired the art of living with these disputes. The leadership and opinion-makers continue to strive to keep the intensity of these disputes at a low end. The overarching principle underlying interstate relationships is ‘renunciation of the use of force’, while pursuing their respective claims. Coming from the subcontinent, this certainly makes me hang my head in shame as in our region, we never tire of accusing each other of fomenting cross-border terrorism and of conducting proxy wars.
Travelling through the Asean region provides one with a useful vantage point to observe the events which are unfolding here. There is clearly a yearning for more democracy. Thailand, for instance, is passing through virulent street protests and head-on clashes between the opposition and the government. The prime minster is heading for general elections in February, which the opposition is resisting through violent protests on the plea that massive political reforms through a neutral body must precede any election. This yawning divide represents an intense power struggle between the urban south and the rural north and north east, between the city-dwelling consumer and the farm producer. The prime minster and her party have a strong political base in the rural areas and have never lost any election since 2001, despite occasional adventurism by the army. The country has a history of military takeovers but the positive thing here is that these takeovers did not have enough staying power.
Indonesia, in the post-Suharto era, has made evident gains leading to political consolidation. Presidential and general elections have been held at regular intervals, with smooth transfers of power. The incumbent president is about to complete his constitutional term and the country is now poised for the next elections.
On the economic front, business-friendly policies and political continuity are reaping dividends for the country.
Malaysia recently passed through a tumultuous phase of general elections. Prime Minister Najib Razak’s Barisan Nasional, a coalition in a multi-ethnic polity, was able to gain control but did not fare as well as was being expected. In a diverse and multi-ethnic society, policies of affirmative action are now resulting in growing wariness amongst the minority communities. The level of tolerance and respect for each other’s values at the societal level, however, is still quite remarkable. The fact that the country is drawing about 35 million visitors each year speaks for its openness and congeniality.
In Myanmar, the military-backed ruling party of President Thein Sein is heading for an agenda of far-reaching political reforms. The president has earned respect through broadening the democratic base ever since he took over in 2011. A general amnesty that was announced in the country set the ball rolling in this direction. The government is now proposing constitutional amendments framed by the military, which debarred Aung San Suu Kyi from contesting the presidential election as she had close relatives who were foreign nationals. The iconic lady’s late husband and two of her sons were British nationals. Once the bar is gone, her charisma, record of unrelenting political struggle and the heritage of being the daughter of a freedom fighter makes Aung San Suu Kyi a probable choice for the highest political office in the country. Part of the Constitution defines the army’s role, giving it a 25 per cent stake in parliament. There is a view that this provision should be done away way with but it remains to be seen how the stakeholders are going to view any change in this regard. Foreign investment is coming in, with the economy gradually opening up after decades of isolation.
While Southeast Asia strikes a positive note on so many fronts, there is a disturbing streak in the form of majoritarianism, which is quickly catching up with these diverse societies. Muslim majoritarianism is rearing its head in Malaysia and Indonesia, while Buddhist majoritarianism has been responsible for the woes of Muslims in Thailand and Myanmar. This is certainly something to worry about. One only hopes, given the strong traditions of tolerance in this region that these societies will get over this phase. Diversity and the recognition of plurality in public and private life have been their key strength.
In South Asia, we had a regional framework known as Saarc, which has been a non-starter compared with many other such regional blocs. Our bilateral hangovers have often overshadowed multilateral imperatives. It is time now to mull over the way we have to work around our differences and disputes if they are not amenable to resolutions after over six decades. What we learn from the Southeast Asian nations is that national security can only be guaranteed if we all contribute towards regional peace. And regional peace can only be had if we are at peace with ourselves.
Published in The Express Tribune, January 21st, 2014.
Today, Asean is aspiring to become an economic, political and security community, much in line with the European Union. To its detractors, this may seem like wishful thinking as the region still has a long way to go. As an economic hub, it is, however, drawing foreign direct investment to the tune of $108 billion, while the trade volume is touching over $2 trillion. With a population of 600 million people, its sea waters are three times more in area than its land mass, with the former accounting for the world’s busiest shipping lanes and a vast reservoir of gas and oil. In view of overlapping economic interests and conflicting maritime claims in the South China Sea, the region is not free from tensions and disputes but the fact remains that member countries have acquired the art of living with these disputes. The leadership and opinion-makers continue to strive to keep the intensity of these disputes at a low end. The overarching principle underlying interstate relationships is ‘renunciation of the use of force’, while pursuing their respective claims. Coming from the subcontinent, this certainly makes me hang my head in shame as in our region, we never tire of accusing each other of fomenting cross-border terrorism and of conducting proxy wars.
Travelling through the Asean region provides one with a useful vantage point to observe the events which are unfolding here. There is clearly a yearning for more democracy. Thailand, for instance, is passing through virulent street protests and head-on clashes between the opposition and the government. The prime minster is heading for general elections in February, which the opposition is resisting through violent protests on the plea that massive political reforms through a neutral body must precede any election. This yawning divide represents an intense power struggle between the urban south and the rural north and north east, between the city-dwelling consumer and the farm producer. The prime minster and her party have a strong political base in the rural areas and have never lost any election since 2001, despite occasional adventurism by the army. The country has a history of military takeovers but the positive thing here is that these takeovers did not have enough staying power.
Indonesia, in the post-Suharto era, has made evident gains leading to political consolidation. Presidential and general elections have been held at regular intervals, with smooth transfers of power. The incumbent president is about to complete his constitutional term and the country is now poised for the next elections.
On the economic front, business-friendly policies and political continuity are reaping dividends for the country.
Malaysia recently passed through a tumultuous phase of general elections. Prime Minister Najib Razak’s Barisan Nasional, a coalition in a multi-ethnic polity, was able to gain control but did not fare as well as was being expected. In a diverse and multi-ethnic society, policies of affirmative action are now resulting in growing wariness amongst the minority communities. The level of tolerance and respect for each other’s values at the societal level, however, is still quite remarkable. The fact that the country is drawing about 35 million visitors each year speaks for its openness and congeniality.
In Myanmar, the military-backed ruling party of President Thein Sein is heading for an agenda of far-reaching political reforms. The president has earned respect through broadening the democratic base ever since he took over in 2011. A general amnesty that was announced in the country set the ball rolling in this direction. The government is now proposing constitutional amendments framed by the military, which debarred Aung San Suu Kyi from contesting the presidential election as she had close relatives who were foreign nationals. The iconic lady’s late husband and two of her sons were British nationals. Once the bar is gone, her charisma, record of unrelenting political struggle and the heritage of being the daughter of a freedom fighter makes Aung San Suu Kyi a probable choice for the highest political office in the country. Part of the Constitution defines the army’s role, giving it a 25 per cent stake in parliament. There is a view that this provision should be done away way with but it remains to be seen how the stakeholders are going to view any change in this regard. Foreign investment is coming in, with the economy gradually opening up after decades of isolation.
While Southeast Asia strikes a positive note on so many fronts, there is a disturbing streak in the form of majoritarianism, which is quickly catching up with these diverse societies. Muslim majoritarianism is rearing its head in Malaysia and Indonesia, while Buddhist majoritarianism has been responsible for the woes of Muslims in Thailand and Myanmar. This is certainly something to worry about. One only hopes, given the strong traditions of tolerance in this region that these societies will get over this phase. Diversity and the recognition of plurality in public and private life have been their key strength.
In South Asia, we had a regional framework known as Saarc, which has been a non-starter compared with many other such regional blocs. Our bilateral hangovers have often overshadowed multilateral imperatives. It is time now to mull over the way we have to work around our differences and disputes if they are not amenable to resolutions after over six decades. What we learn from the Southeast Asian nations is that national security can only be guaranteed if we all contribute towards regional peace. And regional peace can only be had if we are at peace with ourselves.
Published in The Express Tribune, January 21st, 2014.