Reflections on the Pakistani mind
Should one look for Pakistani leaders with a vision? The cliché about Pakistani leaders having no vision should be carefully ignored because having a fixed vision in an ideological state is a most dangerous thing. It is preferable to be drawn to a realistic vision of economic growth under foreign coercion. Ishrat Husain, in a very interesting book, Critical Perspectives on Social Sciences in Pakistan, (Edited by Pervaiz Tahir, Tahir Kamran & Rizwan Omer Gondal; GC University Lahore 2008), says: “Economists are notorious for not debating in any detail the extra-economic reasons for the malfunction of a national economy. They fight shy of pointing to the military posture of the state while discussing the failure of state governance. If there is a bomb in the attic that the world fears, the economist will not object to it. In fact he will seem to promise that he would ensure high growth rate in spite of the bomb. With poised dishonesty, he will explain nuclear proliferation as the fulfilment of the condition of ‘security’ under which economic growth will take place.”
Ishrat Husain was one of the most articulate spokesmen for the economy as a governor of the State Bank of Pakistan. Here he speaks of the Pakistani mind and thinks that the discipline of the social sciences must take in hand the study of the national mind. In other words, it must examine more deeply the nature of Pakistani nationalism in light of what nationalism has done in history and where the topic stands at the global level.
He takes a look at the Pakistani mind: “Those who propound the national security state thesis believe that the security establishment has purposely kept the fear of India trying to break up Pakistan alive to perpetuate their ascendancy. In response, the Indian intrusion in 1971 and their efforts to play up the sentiments of minority ethnic groups in Pakistan against the established state are cited as examples of India’s ‘nefarious design’ on Pakistan” (p.72).
He asks questions that economists don’t normally ask: “Pakistanis, by and large, have developed a highly cynical and negative psyche. Insecurity of the state, i.e, the fear of re-absorption by India, the experience of separation of East Pakistan, the poor track record of the credibility of our successive leaders have all contributed to this psyche. But this is harmful in the long run as lack of national self-esteem becomes a barrier to national development” (p.73).
He quotes Professor MA Qadeer: “We blame someone malevolent who is thought to be pulling strings or presume that conspiracy is the driving force behind many events. It is not only the default explanation in personal matters but is often the first cause presumed in national and international events. Lack of acknowledgment of one’s own impotence and a justification for inaction have become the mainstream thinking in Pakistan, which is a barrier to objective and inductive thinking” (p.73).
He diagnoses another illness of the mind: “The phobia and excessive preoccupation with the US dominate our national psyche. Governments in Pakistan are widely believed to be formed and removed by the US. We have developed a unique tendency to disbelieve and discount any good news about our country or our people and exaggerate the negatives beyond any proportions. This is evident in the popularity of newspaper columnists and TV anchors who are highly negative and pessimistic in their comments and who paint gloom-and-doom scenarios. Those who present a more balanced and even-handed picture do not find any space in the newspapers. Nor are they invited to the TV channels” (p.74).
Published in The Express Tribune, August 1st, 2010.
Ishrat Husain was one of the most articulate spokesmen for the economy as a governor of the State Bank of Pakistan. Here he speaks of the Pakistani mind and thinks that the discipline of the social sciences must take in hand the study of the national mind. In other words, it must examine more deeply the nature of Pakistani nationalism in light of what nationalism has done in history and where the topic stands at the global level.
He takes a look at the Pakistani mind: “Those who propound the national security state thesis believe that the security establishment has purposely kept the fear of India trying to break up Pakistan alive to perpetuate their ascendancy. In response, the Indian intrusion in 1971 and their efforts to play up the sentiments of minority ethnic groups in Pakistan against the established state are cited as examples of India’s ‘nefarious design’ on Pakistan” (p.72).
He asks questions that economists don’t normally ask: “Pakistanis, by and large, have developed a highly cynical and negative psyche. Insecurity of the state, i.e, the fear of re-absorption by India, the experience of separation of East Pakistan, the poor track record of the credibility of our successive leaders have all contributed to this psyche. But this is harmful in the long run as lack of national self-esteem becomes a barrier to national development” (p.73).
He quotes Professor MA Qadeer: “We blame someone malevolent who is thought to be pulling strings or presume that conspiracy is the driving force behind many events. It is not only the default explanation in personal matters but is often the first cause presumed in national and international events. Lack of acknowledgment of one’s own impotence and a justification for inaction have become the mainstream thinking in Pakistan, which is a barrier to objective and inductive thinking” (p.73).
He diagnoses another illness of the mind: “The phobia and excessive preoccupation with the US dominate our national psyche. Governments in Pakistan are widely believed to be formed and removed by the US. We have developed a unique tendency to disbelieve and discount any good news about our country or our people and exaggerate the negatives beyond any proportions. This is evident in the popularity of newspaper columnists and TV anchors who are highly negative and pessimistic in their comments and who paint gloom-and-doom scenarios. Those who present a more balanced and even-handed picture do not find any space in the newspapers. Nor are they invited to the TV channels” (p.74).
Published in The Express Tribune, August 1st, 2010.