TODAY’S PAPER | May 22, 2026 | EPAPER

The ongoing reordering of aid priorities

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Syed Mohammad Ali May 22, 2026 2 min read
The writer is an academic and researcher. He is also the author of Development, Poverty, and Power in Pakistan, available from Routledge

The global aid system is entering one of its deepest crises in decades. Overseas development assistance, which refers to government financial support provided by wealthier countries to promote economic development and welfare in poorer countries, has fallen at a historic pace. These reductions are not driven by falling need but by politics.

According to preliminary data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, total overseas development assistance from major donors fell by 23.1 per cent in real terms in 2025, the largest recorded decline since systematic reporting began. The drop was highly concentrated among a small number of major donors. The United States accounted for a large share of the global reduction after sharply cutting bilateral aid and reducing contributions to multilateral institutions, including United Nations agencies. Several European donors also reduced aid simultaneously, marking one of the first coordinated contractions in decades.

These cuts are occurring alongside rising defence expenditure. Under pressure to meet NATO and national security commitments, several European governments have increased military budgets while offsetting fiscal costs by reducing development assistance rather than raising taxes. As a result, overseas development assistance is increasingly functioning as a discretionary budget line rather than a stable commitment to global development goals.

This moment has laid bare a reality long acknowledged but rarely confronted: aid has never been allocated purely based on need or performance. It has also reflected geopolitical priorities, often channeled toward strategically important regions and regimes that align with donor interests, even when developmental outcomes are weak. What is new is the scale and speed of aid reallocation, and that too within a broader context of ever-shrinking aid budgets.

Western countries like Ukraine are receiving significantly more funding than poorer countries with acute humanitarian needs such as Sudan. This is not a critique of aid to Ukraine; it reflects genuine humanitarian urgency and major geopolitical stakes for Europe. Yet while aid to Ukraine has surged, Africa's share of global development assistance has declined by more than ten percentage points over the past decade, despite the continent remaining home to many of the world's extreme poor. By 2025, bilateral overseas development assistance to the 44 least developed countries had fallen by over 25 per cent.

The implication is clear. Overseas development assistance is not primarily allocated based on human need; it is allocated according to donor priorities. When those priorities shift, funding can contract rapidly and unpredictably.

For governments in low-income countries, this volatility is now a core macroeconomic risk. Finance ministries planning health, education and climate budgets can no longer assume stable aid inflows. They require stronger mechanisms to track disbursements against commitments in real time, model exposure to global allocation shifts, and stress test budgets against geopolitical scenarios.

Some development experts have pointed to domestic philanthropy as part of the solution, but this is no panacea. Development economists such as Amartya Sen and Daron Acemoglu have long argued that weak institutions can enable domestic resource flows to reinforce elite capture rather than inclusive development. What matters, therefore, is not simply replacing aid but strengthening fiscal transparency, expanding equitable taxation and building domestic revenue systems capable of financing basic social needs sustainably.

Pakistan must also strengthen domestic revenue mobilisation and reform its public financial management systems. Our policymakers should prioritise allocating scarce public resources toward long-term resilience building, particularly in climate adaptation, water security and disaster preparedness, rather than engaging in fragmented and high visibility short-term spending aimed at political point-scoring.

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