Ten years on, Gwadar a dream gone sour

High-profile events in places like Gwadar project ambition and showcase the region's significant strategic geography. A similar event titled 'Pathways to a Modern Coastal City', organised last month by the Government of Balochistan and some federal institutions, resonated with the usual repetitive shallow rhetoric on the "strategic potential" of Gwadar. The apparent objective was to woo investors and tourists into the region, where economic infrastructure continues to reel from shortages of electricity and water; education and governance remains in a shambles; and the general environment is held hostage to a state of insecurity.

Two issues stand out when you read about such "feel-good" undertakings. First, what tangible outcomes have these high-visibility gatherings generated for local stakeholders? Second, to what extent do conference discussions reflect Gwadar's on-ground socioeconomic realities?

Without sounding despondent or offensive to any one, I am penning down some thoughts here after a sound stock-taking of the ground realities of the 'Jewel in the CPEC Crown', based on conversations with private individuals and government officials.

Gwadar — where presently no in and out traffic flows after the sunset until the sunrise — has been witness to dozens of such gatherings since the launch of CPEC over a decade ago, but its story hasn't changed. Most residents think their lives were far better before the expansion of the Port and the creation of the Free Industrial Zone. Ironically, the very mega projects that were promised as engines of prosperity have instead pushed locals into deeper misery because of restrained movement through and across the city.

An obvious concern around such events has been the limited visibility, and exclusion of, local representation. When conferences discussing Gwadar's future exclude real local stakeholders in the presence of civil and military elites from Islamabad and Rawalpindi, they only breed resentment and suspicions. Exclusion reduces such spectacles to mere echo-chambers, ringing with the same lofty rhetoric that locals meanwhile abhor. Not a single core issue of Gwadar's residents was seriously discussed at the conference, reflecting the organisers' complete disconnect from ground realities, according to a frustrated government official.

Despite Gwadar's prominence in national discourse, residents continue to struggle with dismal social and economic infrastructure. Many residents openly state that their lives were far better before the Port was built. Ironically, the very mega projects that were promised as engines of prosperity have instead pushed locals into deeper misery. Most of the 313 government schools, for example, lie in a shambles — dilapidated buildings, no water and electricity, and absent teachers. Majority of the youth is unemployed. Infrastructure along key corridors contrasts sharply with conditions in residential neighborhoods. Employing teachers or improving under-resourced schools, for instance, is the job of the education department but to appease Quetta and Islamabad, the Gwadar deputy commissioner recently employed 100 teachers for the district's schools.

Water and electricity shortages, at the same time, discourage both households and industry.

Another bone-chilling complaint relates to diminishing livelihoods. The ingress of large, mostly unlicensed trawlers, which encroach on local waters and sweep away Mushka and Tuna fish, has enormously impacted local fisherfolk's access to traditional fishing grounds.

When livelihoods are disrupted without adequate consultation, compensation or alternative employment pathways, resentment builds. No feel-good story or promises can substitute the hurt inflicted on those who lose livelihoods.

Chinese companies and professionals working in Gwadar often emphasise predictability, operational autonomy and reliable utilities as prerequisites for success. At the same time, Chinese stakeholders recognise that local acceptance is indispensable. No port or industrial zone can flourish without community support. Long-term success depends not only on security arrangements but also on social integration, workforce training and shared economic opportunity.

During a high-level official meeting Chinese participants openly laid into QESCO officials, mentioning that persistent power fluctuations was causing damage to sensitive industrial equipment at multiple sites.

Similarly, a Gwadar-based journalist recounted that the Gwadar Free Zone, operated by a Chinese company known for rapidly developing cities in China, has struggled not due to lack of capacity but because of restrictive local conditions. When asked why similar progress had not materialised in Gwadar, company representatives in Beijing pointed to Pakistani policies as unconducive to development, citing limited operational freedom.

If granted even half the authority and autonomy they enjoy in China, they could significantly transform Gwadar's economy within months, officials told Pakistani visitors. It only underscored the view that excessive controls, policy constraints and a deficit of trust rather than investment shortages are stalling progress.

Top government officials fail to fathom that security cannot be measured solely by the presence of checkpoints. Investors look for normalcy — functional markets after sunset, efficient logistics, uninterrupted utilities and professional management. Overbearing bureaucratic controls in the name of security and transparency also serve as dissuading factors for investors.

Ironically, some government officials themselves too deter outsiders. "When even I cannot move out of the red zone, how would you set up business here?" quipped a senior city official during a recent briefing to a visiting business delegation.

Investment, tourism promotion and ferry services between Gwadar and Chabahar or other neighbouring ports are compelling visions, yet their feasibility depends on ground realities. None of them are encouraging at all. All this begs a basic question: did incompetence and little vision subvert CPEC in Balochistan or did some serve as instruments in stalling what could have turned both Pakistan and Balochistan around?