Takeaways from Tianjin
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit that concluded at the beginning of this month in Tianjin came at a time when the existing world order is undergoing profound shifts. As conflict spirals out of control in the Middle East, driven by Israel’s genocide in Gaza, and war in Ukraine shows no sign of ending, with China and Russia facing intensified competition from the United States, the gathering of SCO leaders in Tianjin was a statement of intent, emphasising stability, development, and multipolar cooperation.
That intent was encapsulated in the Tianjin Declaration, signed by the heads of state to crystallise the organisation’s vision for the coming decade. Where previous declarations skewed towards rhetoric, this year’s document is comparatively pragmatic, laying out commitments to security coordination, economic connectivity, and reform of the international system.
Multipolarity as principle
One of the most consistent themes was the call for a multipolar world order. The declaration reaffirms the centrality of the UN Charter, but with an unmistakable subtext: the current system, dominated by a handful of powers, no longer reflects global realities.
Russia’s President Vladimir Putin underscored the point bluntly, arguing that “the era of unipolar dominance is over.” His Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping framed the issue in more aspirational terms, calling for “an open, inclusive, clean and beautiful world that enjoys enduring peace, universal security and shared prosperity,” and positioning the SCO as a model of cooperative multilateralism.
Security first, but beyond hard power
Security has always been the SCO’s bedrock, and Tianjin reaffirmed that priority. The declaration emphasises counterterrorism, separatism, and extremism as ongoing threats, while also pointing to cybercrime and emerging technologies as new areas of concern. Putin highlighted the need for intelligence sharing and military coordination, noting that “terrorism, no matter where it arises, threatens all of us equally.”
But the summit also marked a notable shift. Security was framed not just in terms of hard power but also in terms of development and connectivity. Xi, in particular, pressed for a broader definition of security — one rooted in food supply chains, energy stability, and climate resilience. This thinking found its way into the declaration, which explicitly links “lasting peace” to “inclusive economic development.”
This reflects a deeper trend within the SCO: the recognition that its legitimacy will rest not only on hard power but on its ability to deliver tangible economic benefits. Newly launched initiatives on green energy cooperation and digital connectivity are small but significant steps in that direction.
From Silk Roads to supply chains
The SCO has always carried an implicit economic dimension, but Tianjin brought it to the fore. The declaration outlines commitments to expand trade corridors, streamline customs processes, and invest in cross-border infrastructure.
Linking the SCO’s future to the Belt and Road Initiative, Xi urged member states to “deepen connectivity and unlock the potential of Eurasia’s vast markets.” While sceptics might see this as China leveraging the SCO for its own geopolitical projects, there is no denying that member states from Central Asia to South Asia stand to gain from improved infrastructure and trade access.
Reforming global governance
Another notable takeaway was the SCO’s collective call for UN reform. The Tianjin Declaration explicitly states the need for a “more representative and equitable international order,” endorsing reforms that would give greater voice to emerging economies.
UN Secretary-General António Guterres, who addressed the summit virtually, welcomed the SCO’s support for multilateral reform, noting that “global challenges require global solutions, but global institutions must evolve to reflect today’s realities.” His presence underscored a recognition that the SCO is no longer a marginal forum, but a body whose positions carry weight in international debates.
For the SCO, pushing for UN reform is not only about principle but also about legitimacy. By aligning themselves with calls for democratisation of global governance, member states can counter accusations that the organisation is simply an anti-Western bloc.
A counterweight, not a bloc
One of the more interesting dynamics in Tianjin was the SCO’s careful balancing act. While the rhetoric of multipolarity and Western overreach was strong, the declaration avoids framing the organisation as a bloc opposed to NATO or the European Union. Instead, it positions the SCO as a complementary structure, one that seeks dialogue and cooperation where possible.
This reflects both pragmatism and diversity within the group. Not all SCO members share identical views on the West. By keeping the declaration inclusive, the SCO preserves its broad tent.
Analysts noted that the SCO’s strength lies in its flexibility and inclusivity. Rather than an ‘alliance’, the organisation positions itself as a platform where Eurasian powers can align on key issues without demanding uniformity.
From declarations to results
Questions still linger about the SCO’s ability to turn lofty declarations into concrete results, especially in the economic sphere, while tensions between members, like India and Pakistan earlier this year, continue to test the organisation’s cohesion. Critics argue that without stronger enforcement mechanisms, the SCO risks being long on rhetoric and short on delivery.
Even so, the significance of Tianjin should not be understated. The summit revealed an organisation more self-assured than in years past, one that sees itself as a pillar of a multipolar order. The Tianjin Declaration, for all its diplomatic language, is a roadmap for an SCO that seeks not just to manage threats but to shape opportunities.
In an era where the liberal international order is under strain, the SCO offers a different model: one grounded in sovereignty, non-interference, and regional cooperation.