Stranded Pakistanis: two facts we choose to ignore

As the year 2024 draws to a close, I find myself once again reflecting on my oft-overlooked advocacy to create empathy for the "stranded Pakistani Biharis" through English and Urdu writings. Only a handful of newspapers accept these for publication. I also try to initiate dialogues through my conversations with well-known political scientists, historians, defence analysts, journalists, human rights defenders, veterans, feminists and writers. My efforts typically result in four types of responses: the first is an empty emoji on social media. The second is silence after reading or listening. A third outcome of my passionate pursuit on this difficult terrain is the shameless theft of my ideas and words - sometimes by those I once held in high esteem, including certain opportunists within the Bihari community itself. The arrogance and shallowness are such that they would rather face accusations of plagiarism than exhibit scholarly integrity by crediting me and other non-elite voices for highlighting the complex narrative of Bihari sacrifices and humiliation.

I no longer wish to expend my energy on the state of journalism or the dishonesty of these so-called intellectuals, as I have witnessed more treacherous trends over time. This brings me to the fourth outcome: while discussions on the issues I raise rarely occur, the decision remains unchanged, regardless of the respectful or disrespectful tones used. It is important to record this decision: Biharis in the camps (ghettos) of Bangladesh should remain there, as it is now considered their country. Pakistan, it is argued, cannot afford to bring them back, and repatriation laws are deemed inapplicable in this context. These individuals, no matter how unfortunate, are judged for having made the "mistake" of siding with the Pakistan Army against the Bengalis. And so, the story ends.

I have neither a strategy nor any magical solution to confront these titanic challenges or the titans who troll and control histories. At times, I lose my appetite for the issue, cry without tears over my ineffective words, and feel genuinely distressed by my own powerlessness. Yet, I refuse to surrender to helplessness. As long as I can think and breathe, I will continue to raise my voice for this most unfortunate community, punished brutally for their patriotism. Their suffering can be measured by the terrible truth that they have even been deserted by influencers of the Urdu-speaking community in politics, academia, and the military in general and those of Bihari ethnicity in particular.

Recently, I encountered a gripping Urdu piece by Prof Javed Mohsin Malik, reflecting his firsthand experience of the history that shaped Bangladesh's "liberation" movement. These well-researched and articulate thoughts were initially delivered in an extempore speech at the launch of the book 1971: Ethnic Cleansing of Biharis in East Pakistan by Dr Junaid Ahmed at a prominent think tank in Islamabad this September.

This heartfelt and candid piece offered me new insights. It remains a mystery why Dr Junaid omitted several critical pieces of evidence in his book that could have more effectively established the Biharis' claim as Pakistanis. Here, I wish to focus on only two key facts often ignored or forgotten by Pakistan - its state, society and scholars alike.

First is the "sense of ownership" felt by the Muslims of Bihar in United India toward Pakistan. The Bihar Massacre of 1946 (which I have written about) served as a catalyst for Pakistan's creation, bolstering the Muslim League's success in the NWFP, where it had initially been unpopular. Jinnah himself remarked, "I never imagined that Pakistan would come into being in my lifetime. Yet, the tragedy of Bihar brought it about." Bihari Muslims did not migrate to East Pakistan; they chose Pakistan - not East Pakistan. Jinnah directed government servants from Orissa, UP, Bihar and other areas to relocate to the East. They contributed significantly to economic development from 1947 until 1971, although they were not granted any properties as compensation, as was done in the western part of Pakistan. The government of that time did nothing for the common Urdu speakers and Bengalis. During the language movement, Masood Mahmood ordered the shooting of Bengali students. He was the same man who would later become the infamous waada maaf gawah in ZA Bhutto's trial. Meanwhile, the misgovernance of General Ayub Khan remains uncriticised in mainstream media and military history , and his political influence endures across generations.

The second point is "the citizenship propaganda and trumpeting" of the year 2009. The overlapping tragedies and traumas of this community are endless. Pakistan's military dictator, Gen Zia denationalised these patriotic Pakistani Biharis in 1978. In 2008, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh made a significant ruling, granting voting rights to those born after December 16, 1971, in the so-called camps of Bangladesh. Ironically, this move was propelled by a Bangladeshi mafia to gain political leverage. This right, motivated by vested interests, does not amount to full citizenship. If full citizenship had been granted, Bangladesh would have had to compensate for the rape of Bihari women, brutal killings of even unborn Bihari children, lootings, lives lost and properties seized. Consequently, these helpless Biharis continued their miserable lives, plagued by stunting, wasting, diseases, moral decay, mental health challenges, and more. What remains embarrassingly obvious yet rarely expressed is the forced prostitution of my Bihari daughters and sisters. No prominent feminist or rights champion has mourned this loss of heritage, identity and dignity. Our women were raped, yet no one counted or mourned them. After an initial phase of limited repatriation, the process halted, although funds were raised and promises made. Ultimately, we were left completely abandoned, becoming collateral damage and the stateless wretched of the earth.

I can only wish there could be even an iota of understanding for the unacknowledged genocide and large-scale victimisation of a community that was left at the mercy of the Bengali Mukti Bahini in 1971, yet always chanted, Pakistan Zindabad.