Balochistan - the story of Chamalang mines

Over a series of articles, we discussed Balochistan in essential detail. To unlock this conundrum, some recommended measures included not throwing money at the problem, not succumbing to the blackmail by Sardars, administrative division of the province on more practical lines, ensuring pervasive presence of the state and its authority, and dealing with the youth discontent, especially their legitimate demands. The new narrative of economic salvation, political participation, hope and attacking the 'perceived deprivation' should be owned up and fostered by political forces with robust support from the LEAs; intelligence should remain focused on enabling governance rather than governing.

There have been successful models of socio-economic development in the province as recently as 2006. Chamalang mines are one just forgotten story. Chamalang coal mines remained a source of intra-tribal conflict for over 33 years. A documentary titled the "Black Pearl" detailed the project on PTV and other channels during 2008 Defence Day celebrations. The mines are in the interior of Kohlu, Barkhan and Loralai, and were contested by Marri, Luni and other tribes. Army/FC-led initiatives with full support of Administration and tribal elders ultimately resulted in the resolution of the dispute, exploitation of the mines, and division of its proceeds in a win-win situation, sealed in a Tripartite Agreement of 6 December 2006. If there is one example where an entire tribe (Marri) was weaned away from militancy, and the endless cycle of tribal revenge was successfully reversed, it is Chamalang.

Chamalang is 40-45 km north of Kohlu, and 30-35 km northwest of Barkhan, and administratively part of the Loralai District. The coal mine reserve of Chamalang was 7 km wide and 60 km long, geologically contiguous to the coal, oil and gas bearing ranges in the neighbouring Barkhan, Kohlu and Musakhel districts. The reserve was estimated to be approximately 500 million tons, with a conservative approximate value of $7 billion.

Although the mines were located on the lands claimed by the Luni (Pashtun) tribe, these had been under occupation of the Marri Baloch tribe since the initial excavation in 1973. Marris contested Luni's ownership under an old grazing rights agreement. Intra-tribal conflict had led to scores of casualties on either side. Trespassing would lead to killing by either side. Both tribes were locked in a senseless conflict and consequently Chamalang area became a safe haven of the Farraris (outlaws) from Marri tribe, besides other hardened criminals, militants and terrorists of all shades and motivations.

The local military commander, the Frontier Corps, the Provincial and District Administrations, the investors, the contractor, and the tribesmen, all in the end joined hands to develop a consensus to benefit from this natural resource. In its day (2008) around 80,000 people were directly employed at the site with decent earnings, suggesting disbursement of over Rs1.6 billion monthly to the workforce. A labour township, comprising four labour colonies, had come up. The mines had a 25-bedded hospital along with residential accommodation for doctors and paramedical staff, constructed under the generous 'Chamalang Beneficiaries Healthcare Program'. This healthcare programme contained benefits and incentives for doctors and paramedics besides offering Medicare where none existed before. Scores of local people received free Medicare, including treatment for eyes like surgeries and issue of gratis eye lens etc.

The hallmark of the project was the 'Chamalang Beneficiaries Education Program', wherein over 3,500 tribal kids from both Luni and Marri tribes were sponsored for quality education all over Pakistan. Since the depletion of coal, there are alternative funding mechanisms to continue to educate significant number of tribal kids. The area has had better road connectivity, electricity, telecom, and police coverage and water supply schemes.

The mines were added to the national coal reserve. A 2,500-strong force, known as 'Chamalang Guard', recruited primarily from the Marri tribe, had been raised to protect the project. The project had brought in peace, socio-economic development, and tribal integration like a silent revolution.

Except for sporadic coverage, the project has not received the media spotlight it deserves except for some scattered efforts here and there. If Chamalang, the one project that was conceived, developed, planned and executed in one year, could bring in a silent revolution, one can well imagine the cumulative effects of more such projects on the psycho-social and politico-economic landscape of Balochistan. Such initiatives are waiting to be exploited. The Chamalang model amply demonstrates how destiny of the people and the area could be changed and how insurgency could be defeated effectively even under adverse environment.

Chamalang has successfully demonstrated how to empower the downtrodden under their Sardars who had for a change supported progress, development and emancipation. Despite the engineered despondency, loss of hope and focus, there are bright spots here and there that serve as beacons of optimism to guide Pakistan and Pakistanis through. United we all benefit, we all exhibit strength, we all demonstrate synergy of thought and action. Divided we fall.

Balochistan is not at all a lost cause irrespective of the recent diatribes of some Baloch leaders, who sadly could not blackmail the system this time around, hence their tirades and anti-Pakistan rants. Majority of the Baloch (Pashtuns and Brahui are taken for granted) are loyal citizens of Pakistan, just like their forefathers, who were impatient in joining the nascent Pakistan in 1947. Majority of Baloch have a stake in contemporary Pakistan (almost 40% Baloch live in Sindh) and its progressive destiny, and except for the minuscule of misguided youth, most Baloch are as good Pakistanis as those in KP, Sindh and Punjab. Even the wayward youthful cadre has not been able to think through their future sans Pakistan. Reality will dawn upon them if they ever introspect.

Therefore, it is time for the state to go – like never before – on a political, economic, media and security offensive to envelop Balochistan especially the insurgency-affected areas. Apathy, indifference and looking the other way are no options and criminal negligence. Projects like Chamalang are waiting to be discovered, developed and given wider publicity and coverage. Not many people know the reality of Balochistan, and are easily swayed by hostile propaganda, in the absence of state narrative and counter-narrative, and its pervasiveness.

Let us join hands and rise against systematic betrayal, alienation and exploitation of Balochistan, and empower Balochistan to empower Pakistan.