Shrinking democratic space in Bangladesh
The writer is former Dean Faculty of Social Science, University of Karachi and can be reached at amoons@hotmail.com
The Human Rights Watch has reported that Bangladeshi authorities are carrying out mass arrests of political opposition in a clear attempt to quash the opposition and eliminate competition ahead of the general elections.
Prevailing circumstances may compel the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) to boycott the January 7, 2024 elections. If Bangladesh has resorted to worst type of dictatorial practices by arresting and detaining opposition party workers and leaders; imposing curbs on the media; using pillars of the state like bureaucracy, security agencies, election commission and judiciary to silence opposition to ensure a fourth term for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, why was there the need to separate from Pakistan in 1971? The arguments given then by Awami League and other political parties of the then East Pakistan were that they could not live under an undemocratic rule of Islamabad and only by gaining independence from the West Pakistan dominated elites, they can follow a democratic path. But, the governance system prevailing in Bangladesh under Awami League is contradictory to the norms of democracy and political pluralism. First the founder of country Sheikh Mujibur Rehman imposed a one-party rule in 1974 and now his daughter, Sheikh Hasina, has been ruling the country since 2009 with an authoritarian mindset.
By taming the people of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina has tried to silence political dissent. Around half a million BNP members face persecution by the state; thousands of workers of BNP and banned Jamaat-i-Islami are behind bars. According to BNP spokesman AKM Wahiduzzaman, “Bangladesh has not seen such a massive crackdown on the opposition in the country’s history.” He says thousands of BNP workers and leaders are now in hiding and police inflict worst type of torture on family members of party workers that are not found. As a result, “fearing arrest and torture, they have fled their homes.” Yet, the Sheikh Hasina regime is confident that people will not retaliate against the state crackdown because a majority of workers and leaders of BNP and Jamaat are unable to mobilise popular support.
The struggle against alleged dictatorship and exploitation which was the hallmark of Awami League during Pakistan days has turned out to be a myth because the dictatorship has been replaced by an authoritarian rule and the alleged exploitation by West Pakistan is swapped by the exploitation of the Bangladeshi elites — reflected, for example, in the day to day strikes and agitation by low-paid garment factories workers. Paradoxically, the Bangladeshi civil society which yearned for democracy and human rights is almost silent. Sheikh Hasina has no qualms about silencing opponents and denying them level playing field in the forthcoming general elections nor does she care about external reservations regarding pre-poll rigging as well as the arrest of thousands of BNP and Jamaat workers. It seems the international community, particularly the US, the UK and EU, despite their earlier assertion for free and fair elections, is not interested in putting any pressure on Sheikh Hasina to ensure transparency in polls. It means the people of Bangladesh who used to cherish their struggle for democracy have to live under a perpetual era of civilian dictatorship in coming years.
The shrinking democratic space in Bangladesh is unfortunate and needs to be examined from three angles.
First, five segments of Bangladeshi society which were quite active for democracy and civil rights were: students, workers, lawyers, journalists and farmers. They acted as a catalyst against the dictatorship during Pakistan days but over the last five decades they have lost their resilience to launch meaningful struggle for democracy and human rights. Consequently, democratic forces were marginalised and the elites who were the beneficiary of a new state disregarded democracy and civil rights and perpetuated internal colonisation by suppressing masses. Students, who during Pakistan days, played a pivotal role for democracy, got marginalised in post-1971 period. When it is known how Awami League in the last 15 years has derailed democracy for strengthening its power, the student community failed to rise and prevent the forces of fascism, thus damaging the age-old struggle for democracy. It also means those who came to power in the new state of Bangladesh used the student community for the pursuance of their vested interests rather than empowering them for eradicating corruption and nepotism and ensuring the rule of law along with good governance.
Second, shrinking space for democracy in Bangladesh became a reality when the Sheikh Hasina regime tried to coerce Dr Mohammad Yunus, a Nobel laureate and an icon in the field of micro finance credit, poverty alleviation and women empowerment. Because of her insecurity which she faced from the well-respected and reputed personality of Dr Yunus, Sheikh Hasina launched a propaganda campaign to discredit him. All those figures that were perceived as a threat to Sheikh Hasina’s rule were targeted with a purpose to neutralise them. The authoritarian mindset which got an impetus during the rule of then President Sheikh Mujibur Rehman and the current PM penetrated deep inside the Bangladeshi state and society. Sheikh Hasina tried to argue that her country had taken a ‘great leap forward’ during her rule and emerged as a model of economic growth and development. Taking the credit of progress in her country since 2009, she exposed her authoritarian mindset and lust for power. Fearing that in case of general elections under a caretaker government she might lose, her party introduced an amendment to the constitution of Bangladesh in 2011 which scrapped the provision for a caretaker government which had been in practice since 1996.
Third, it seems Bangladesh is becoming another ‘deep state’ where Awami League and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina have managed to neutralise bureaucracy, military, bureaucracy, election commission and judiciary while using such organs of state to liquidate the opposition. Media and civil society groups are also being neutralised which means a state which is run by a clique in order to eradicate opposition parties from political scene has consolidated its power. The BNP and other opposition parties will have no other option but to boycott the forthcoming general elections.
Published in The Express Tribune, December 5th, 2023.
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