Hows and whys of rising fundamentalism in Balochistan

The government has launched a crackdown on Afghan refugees, blaming them for the unrest going on in Pakistan for long. However, there is little truth in it. The deteriorating security situation in the country has more to do with bad policy than the presence of Afghan refugees in the country.

The crackdown was launched after more than 50 people were killed and dozens injured in a suicide attack during an event to celebrate the birth anniversary of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) in Mastung on September 29. Mastung has a long history of violence. Since 2011, Mastung has been hit hard by Lashker-e-Jhangvi, often targeting Shia minorities and political figures.

After the American invasion of Afghanistan, the number of unregistered madrassas across the province grew, with approximately 10,000 existing until 2013. Unfortunately, the provincial government failed to bring these religious seminaries under control, even after the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP). Also, the so-called secular nationalist political parties like Dr Abdul Malik Baloch’s National Party (NP), Sardar Akhtar Mengal’s Balochistan National Party (BNP-M) and Mehmood Khan Achakzai’s Pashtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP) did little to counter the rising religious fundamentalism. Instead, these parties aligned themselves with religious fundamentalists to secure votes.

Southern Balochistan, once considered secular and dominated by politically rich Baloch cadres of the Baloch Students Organisation (BSO), witnessed a mushroom growth of madrassas. Radical groups emerging from the madrassas openly threatened the co-education system in the province. They targeted liberal educationists while burning schools teaching English to kids in Panjgur and Gwadar.

Just recently, in August, a tragic incident happened in Turbat, a stronghold of NP and the hometown of former CM Dr Malik Baloch. Unknown men killed a young English language teacher on blasphemy charges. Shockingly, no political party condemned this incident, the first of its kind in Turbat’s history.

Similar incidents have occurred in Panjgur, once considered a secular district where Islamists have threatened the co-education system and called for banning music. However, both NP and BNP-M chose to remain silent. Mastung too has long been a hotbed of Islamist activities.

The state’s efforts in dismantling religious extremist in Balochistan have been less effective. But, Baloch and Pashtun nationalist have also done little to keep the public away from religious fanatics via political mobilisation. This recurrent pattern of violence underscores the need for a more comprehensive approach from the state to control religious extremism in the region. Also, some responsibility lies with Baloch and Pashtun nationalists.

This is evident in NP’s alliance with a controversial religious tribal leader from Khuzdar during the 2018 election, despite accusations from the Sindh police that he provided sanctuary to a would-be suicide bomber planning an attack at an Imambargh in Shikarpur in March 2017. The same tribal leader was booked in connection with the murder of eight Levies officials in Khuzdar in May 2014.

Furthermore, the BNP has stayed silent on TLP activities in Khuzdar and Kharan, the hometowns of Sardar Akhtar Mengal and Sana Baloch. Similarly, Mahmood Khan has kept mum regarding Afghan Taliban activities in the past in Pashtun areas of Balochistan.

The state’s tolerance to counter Baloch insurgency and the strategy of Baloch and Pashtun nationalists to coexist with religious fanatics for survival have worked to strengthen religious fundamentalism in Balochistan. We may see increased religiously-motivated attacks in those areas of Balochistan that thus far remain unaffected by religious extremism, with repercussions for all, including the state, PKMAP, BNP and NP.

Published in The Express Tribune, October 25^th, 2023.

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