When crisis is mismanaged…

“The PDM leaders — including Nawaz Sharif who remains absconding in London — are least concerned whether the Constitution is desecrated, state institutions are destroyed or even Pakistan Army earns a bad name. They are looking for their vested interests of saving the looted wealth alone,” alleged former PM and PTI chairman Imran Khan in a video link speech on May 17.

Never ever in its history has Pakistan come across such serious economic, political and judicial crises, exposing the fragility of our state institutions to manage the dangerous situation.

The humiliation being caused to the Chief Justice of Pakistan and his fellow judges by the sitting Prime Minister and his cabinet is unprecedented. Resolution after resolution passed by the parliament against judiciary means the rule of law has dwindled. The situation is worse than the PML-N-instigated attack on the Supreme Court building in November 1997. Defiance showed by the ministries of finance, defence and interior on assisting the holding of Punjab Assembly elections on May 14 as ordered by the Supreme Court is unprecedented, and so is the failure of the election commission to take a firm stand on making election arrangements on the scheduled date.

The tussle between the PTI and the coalition government reminds one the situation which emanated as a result of the general elections held in March 1977. Nine political parties had formed Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) to contest elections against PPP. Agitation against the government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto launched by PNA continued for several months till the time Martial Law was imposed on July 5, 1977. It seems history is repeating itself after 46 years as PTI is confronting all political parties whose common enemy is Imran Khan. Likewise, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the PNA’s common enemy. The 1977 crisis was mismanaged and resulted into the imposition of the country’s longest Martial Law. The prevailing crisis too has the potential to lead to a civil war if not a martial law.

What will be the outcome of prevailing crisis in the country? Will Imran Khan who claims massive popular support relegate or sustain his principled stand that free and fair elections should be held at the earliest? Will superior judiciary take a stand against the harassing tactics of staging a sit-in outside the Supreme Court on May 16? Will the coalition government survive despite its assault on the Supreme Court? Will Pakistan descend into another phase of violence leading to a civil war?

By suspending social media for around 5 days and launching a heavy crackdown on PTI leaders, workers and supporters in the wake of the May 9 events, the government failed to redeem consequences of excessive use of force. Trial of civilians under the Army Act is being criticised even by some members of parliament and human rights organisations as it will bolster military’s intervention in politics. For how long will PPP and PML-N, which had suffered enormously under the past military rule, remain supportive to repression against PTI just because of their hatred against Imran Khan? It is certainly a moment of truth for the political parties of Pakistan as to how they can support the excessive use of force against PTI and the humiliation of the Supreme Court.

One needs to analyse the present crisis from three angles, as follows:

First, weakening of state institutions and their infighting will further aggravate the crisis. The manner in which the parliament attacked the superior judiciary because of its verdict to hold election to KP and Punjab assemblies within 90 days carries grave implications. The day is not far when political parties and their leaders in the coalition government will approach Supreme Court for relief. The refusal of state institutions to assist the election commission in holding Punjab assembly elections on May 14 is another manifestation of the defiance against the Supreme Court. Wrong precedents created by the parliament and the coalition government denying people their right to vote to remain in power will prove counterproductive. Historical record proves that compromising on principles for lust of power erodes the credibility of political parties as well as their chances to win elections.

Second, not only crisis management skills among stakeholders appear to be limited, they also seem indifferent to wide-ranging implications of political chaos on the country’s economy. The value of the rupee versus major international currencies is dwindling, and the country’s foreign exchange reserves, exports, per capita income and remittances are also falling on a daily basis. Neither the parliament nor the coalition government or state institutions responsible for national security are taking steps to pull the country from the grave economic crisis. Also, erosion of ethics and values tends to cause enormous damage to the credibility of political parties and their leaders. In order to settle old scores, PPP and PML-N have crossed all limits of decency by supporting repressive measures against PTI just to stick to power by all means. By remaining mum over the use of Army Act on civilians, political parties in the coalition government are inviting future actions against them.

Third, a ban on PTI is being mulled due to their involvement in the May 9 events. However, the PDM’s protest against Supreme Court in the Red Zone has been ignored — which speaks of the double standards when it comes to the application of law.

The only way out of the prevailing crisis is to immediately hold free and fair elections under a strict neutral caretaker setup. One should learn lessons from the mismanagement of the 1971 East Pakistan crisis and the 1977 crisis after the general elections of March.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 23^rd, 2023.

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