PML-N’s historic defeat in Punjab

PTI successfully ran a slur campaign and converted ‘popular narrative’ into votes in the recent Punjab bye-elections

The writer is a PhD scholar of Semiotics and Philosophy of Communication at Charles University Prague. She can be reached at shaziaanwer@yahoo.com and tweets @ShaziaAnwerCh

Traditional and orthodox media practitioners believe that when private media has a clear divide and works just for amplifying narratives of political divide, the responsibility of state-run media increases. We must remember that famous names like BBC, VOA and CNN build national and international narratives. I watch current affairs shows on Pakistan’s state-run television channels, sometimes listen to state-run radio, and follow state-run news agencies. Does coalition government have a political narrative is a question I wish to find an answer to.

My candid answer is there is ‘no’, because ‘narrative building’ is not just about throwing information without follow-ups, crafting dictions, and introducing new terminologies. Narrative building is an art that uses an already designed and carefully constructed strategy. However, in Pakistan’s state-run media, stories of alleged corruption of former governments appear without a web of narratives around it.

Some of my journalist friends in Pakistan believe that the liberal policy of PML-N of not replacing operational heads and the message spread by PTI that ‘we are coming back’ played in favor of PTI. An intelligent journalist is currently working as a special assistant to Prime Minister for ‘narrative building’ and a very dedicated politician is running the state information machinery. But both look busy only in extinguishing fires.

On the other hand, PTI successfully ran a slur campaign and converted the ‘popular narrative’ into votes in the recent Punjab bye-elections. Calling names, slurring, abusing opponents, and pushing state institutions to the wall are working well for PTI. I believe that PTI’s media strategy will work as an example for future political cooks because success is the only litmus in any scientific theory.

According to my understanding, we should take a look at the narrative building paradigm of PTI, which works as follows:

They are neutrals.

Who are neutrals?

Those who were called khalai makhlook (aliens) by PML-N in past.

Who are these khalai makhlook?

Those who were also called officers of mahkama-e-zaraa’at (officials of the Agriculture Department) by beaten politicians.

Who were officers of mahkama-e-zaraa’at?

They were those who hate the political system.

Who are those who hate the political system?

They are those who sent political governments home in the past.

Who are those who send political governments home?

They are those who sent Imran Khan, Nawaz Sharif, and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto home.

This thread attracts the silent followers of Nawaz Sharif, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, and of course the aggressive followers of Imran Khan. In this narrative building, PTI has attracted the political following of three different political groups and three different mindsets: followers of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto who are now in their late 70s; followers of Nawaz Sharif who fell in love with him when he was removed thrice; and followers of Benazir Bhutto who fought continuously for true democracy in Pakistan. Can we say that the time has arrived for the conversion of the anti-militocracy narrative into a vote bank?

One can find thousands of articles and hundreds of talk shows claiming that PML-N lost elections due to price hikes and inflation but I am not ready to buy this. For me, it is bigger than just money. It can be a desperate attempt to fix faults in a failed product for the purpose of its relaunching, or, a complete “No” to the involvement of the establishment in the political issues that come about through popular vote.

Published in The Express Tribune, July 20th, 2022.

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