Democracy and identity politics
The writer is a PhD candidate
About 25 centuries ago, in the rocky hills of Athens, Greece, a new idea emerged: “Demokratia”. “Kratos”, the power, the right to rule, comes from “Demos” — the people. The notion that we as citizens are not servants, but stewards of our society. It embodies equality before the law, not just for a few but for the many. These concepts grew out of the rocky soil of Athens and paved the way for one of the most powerful ideologies in world politics: democracy. Athens’ leader Pericles explained that “their Constitution favors the many instead of the few, that is why it is called a democracy”. The flame of democracy which first lit in Athens never died and the idea continued to gain momentum through the historic Magna Carta of 1215 which limited the powers of the monarch. It was then inevitably nurtured in the great Enlightenment period of the 16th century by the English philosopher John Locke. As the father of liberalism, he inspired powerful revolutions not just in Europe but in continents thousands of miles away. In 1775, Locke’s liberal concepts fanned the flames for the American Revolution giving great emphasis to the rule of the people and self-determination. Fast forward to the last century and liberal democracy became the most galvanising force throughout the world order. One of the reasons why liberal democracy became popular was because of the “feel good story”. The story had two main goals: liberalise politics and globalise the economy. It worked for the US — being the architect of this political ideology. It was indeed an attractive story that people loved. However, today, this story has somewhere lost its plot. Democracy is in danger like never before.
As the architect of the world liberal order, the US practised illiberal values on many occasions — Vietnam in the 1970s or Afghanistan for the last two decades. Many political scientists today believe that democracy itself is in grave danger inside America, especially after the turbulent administration of Donald Trump, alongside the rise in authoritarian regimes and ultra-nationalism. American anxiety about democracy is on the rise. Around 80% politically active Americans believe that the system needs a major change, or even a complete reform. But there is something more powerful which has further hampered the progress of democracies today. The social cohesion on which political consensus is founded has shattered, paving the way for the rise of identity politics. People have lost a national sense of belonging. This has led to a quest for identity be it Brexit, the global ‘Me-Too’ Movement, White Supremacy, Black Lives Matter, Khalistan movement in India, or even the Baloch Liberation army (BLA) in Pakistan — are all examples of identity politics. People demand recognition of their dignity, and concrete remedies to social disadvantages and rising inequality created by political institutions today. The disappearance of national belonging and dignity has even led to the rise of populism, rippling across the globe — even in countries like Pakistan.
Francis Fukuyama, author of the book Identity, the demand for dignity and the politics of resentment, argues that we are less defined by economics, but more by identity. In the end, it is all related to how we think about ourselves and how we wanted to be treated. Everyone wants to live with dignity. The Black Lives Matter movement has its roots in the theory of identity and recognition. Members of this movement believe that black individuals have an inner worth which has not been recognised by people in the society surrounding them. Coming back to Pakistan, members of the BLA believe that they have been disrespected by the rest of the country, by the exploitation of their land and abundant resources. This is the demand for dignity. The demand for smaller provinces and the division of Punjab is also part of identity politics. People, who have been systematically left out, demand dignity and the spotlight.
Without the recognition of dignity, democracy cannot simply work. That is why we see the rise of populism through the administration of Imran Khan, cultural divisions across provinces, and extremist movements on the rampage in Pakistan. The demand for dignity is indeed a threat to global democracy, but poses a much bigger threat to countries like Pakistan — where the original principles of democracy have failed to function. In Pakistan, liberals preach about free will and inclusiveness but keep the working class under the shackles of exploitation. The UNDP’s Pakistan National Human Development Report 2020 on Inequality, entitled ‘The Three Ps of Inequality: Power, People, and Policy’, highlighted that the richest 1% hold around 10% of the country’s national income. On the other hand, the conservatives never accept differences and instead fuel intolerance, and use medieval methods to eliminate any possible threat they perceive. Take the lynching of the Sri Lankan national in Sialkot as an example. This backlash is only expected to exacerbate with the rise of identity politics and the quest for dignity. Pakistan’s social, political and even economic structure endorses bias against social identities such as race, class, gender, religion, and caste.
Democracy has never really unleashed its potential in Pakistan, with back-to-back dictatorship regimes and constant undermining civil supremacy. Now, with the rise of identity politics, and the demand for dignity and respect, struggling democracies, such as Pakistan, are in for a rollercoaster ride. The economic uncertainty under the current PTI government is only adding fuel to fire. Although a bleak outlook for now — but only with inclusive education for all, fostering a sense of citizenship and national belonging, and rule of law, will Pakistan be able to sustain democracy.
Published in The Express Tribune, February 8th, 2022.
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