Romancing the left

After years of military dictatorship and right-wing government, last month Chile experienced an electoral triumph of the left when Gabriel Boric emerged victorious in the presidential elections. Boric, a 35-year-old former student protest leader, made history by defeating right-wing Jose Antonio Kast winning 55.8% votes. Boric’s left-wing government has vowed to eradicate poverty and establish a welfare system by replacing the neo-liberal capitalistic mode of economy.

Since the electoral triumph of left-wing millennials in Chile, a new debate has emerged in Pakistan. Parallels have been drawn between Pakistan and Chile with hopes of a revival of the left as the economic and political void offers a breeding ground to the left. It is natural to have preconceived notions about a possible surge of leftist forces in Pakistan. However, the reality is different.

Leftist politics is as old as the French revolution, which was a popular movement against the monarchy, nobility and clergy. Based on egalitarianism and the struggle of the masses, the left-oriented groups pledged to mobilise the movement for economic and social justice.

Romancing the left goes against the deeply rooted politics of opportunism in Pakistan. In 1968, like many parts of the world, Pakistan also witnessed a rise of the left. However, Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) under Chairman Zulfikar Ali Bhutto exploited the surge of youth and let down progressive and leftist forces when he came into power in 1972. The setback faced by the left from the PPP government dismantled the forces that wanted to bring qualitative socio-economic and political change in the country. The leftist movement was hijacked by a bunch of opportunists who took control of the PPP and betrayed the trust of workers, peasants and student groups. Paradoxically, the December 1970 general elections provided an age-old opportunity for the surge of left-oriented political parties like the PPP and the National Awami Party (NAP). Many candidates who were traditionally elected were routed in the 1970 elections, but people who believed the PPP will eradicate exploitation were let down.

The first sign of PPP letting down masses and left-oriented groups occurred in the summer of 1972 when several workers were killed by police firing in Karachi. PPP stalwarts who formed the backbone of the left constituency like Meraj Mohammad Khan, Rashid Hasan Khan, Mukhtar Rana and others bore the brunt of state repression of the PPP government. During an interview in 1972, President Bhutto claimed to have “worked against leftist and socialist groups in Pakistan more than the CIA in Asia”, which was a turning point that reflected the political opportunism of PPP. By the end of 1972, the PPP that once motivated the youths of Pakistan for ‘bread, shelter and cloth’ abandoned its left-oriented politics. It became dominated by opportunists, landed aristocracy and status quo-oriented groups. With the ban on NAP by the Bhutto regime in 1975, the die was cast. The charisma of Bhutto, which was a source of inspiration for the downtrodden people, was gone when the left-oriented groups belonging to PPP were marginalised.

The left faced persecution from the PPP government and failed to neutralise the rise of right-wing politics which was exemplified in the declaration of the Ahmadiya as non-Muslims and the surge of religious right following the 1977 general elections. Nevertheless, it is rightly argued that no political party in Pakistan caused as much damage to leftist politics as the PPP did. Mr Bhutto used student and leftist groups to seek power and once in the government, he turned state machinery to persecute his once leftist allies and supporters. When he was hanged on 4th April 1979, he was without a popular support base because the left was no more in a commanding position in PPP.

Now, five decades down the road, romancing the left is emerging again within Pakistan and elsewhere. One can figure out three major characteristics that negate the possibility of the left emerging as a force to reckon with.

First, political opportunism and pseudo leftist approach derailed the forces of the left in Pakistan. It was not only let down by the PPP regime of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, but the left also suffered back-to-back debacles at the hands of those who talked about poverty alleviation, ending exploitation and discrimination from society. When the right-wing forces were patronised during the regime of General Zia-ul-Haq, it was the left that failed to fight back. Leftist politics in Pakistan has a history of compromises. It betrayed the cause of the poor and aligned itself with bourgeoisie politics.

Second, the so-called leftists talked about downtrodden people but represented the elite class. Resultantly, the left suffered its credibility and not a single political party in Pakistan proved its commitment to workers, peasants and other marginalised segments of society. Living in comfort zones, the so-called leftists were blamed for table talk instead of launching a direct struggle for the emancipation of the suppressed classes.

Finally, a major blow to the leftist and socialist elements was the collapse of the Soviet Union and the communist bloc. Those who were aligned with the left switched sides and joined the pro-American camp. The surge of capitalism and neoliberal approach further marginalised leftist politics.

Now, after the electoral triumph of leftist groups in Chile, it has been argued that leftist politics can rise again, particularly in a country like Pakistan where there is an opportunity to play a leadership role for the majority of the people who are hand to mouth and are under the clutches of economic exploitation. But if there is a contradiction in the theory and practice of so-called leftist elements and they remain pseudo in their approach, one cannot expect any qualitative change in left politics in Pakistan. Although, there is room for leftist politics to grow, it depends on the 65% youth population of the country and how they play a leadership role in ridding the country of right-wing sentiment.

The only force that can effectively counter ultra-right-wing religious extremist politics in Pakistan is the left, provided that it is genuine, credible and stands with oppressed segments of society. During the local bodies elections scheduled in the summer of this year and general elections scheduled in 2023, the left stands a chance if it gets organised and stays above political opportunism and contradiction.

Published in The Express Tribune, January 30^th, 2022.

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