Do away with the FCR altogether

Published: August 17, 2011
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The writer is a correspondent for The Express Tribune
nadir.hassan@tribune.com.pk

The writer is a correspondent for The Express Tribune nadir.hassan@tribune.com.pk

Imagine that World War II has just come to an end. A new post-Hitler government has taken power in Germany and immediately announces that it will review the notorious anti-Jewish Nuremberg Laws. Three years elapse without much further discussion and then the head of state proudly declares that while the laws will stay, they will be amended to exempt minor and elderly Jews. Such a leader would hopefully be booed out of parliament, not lauded for his radical reforms.

This hypothetical situation is roughly analogous to what has happened with the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR). Soon after taking power in 2008, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani declared that his government would repeal the FCR. The latter then took a vow of silence about the colonial era law that codified the principle of collective justice and the separate status of the seven tribal agencies. Earlier this month, the government finally dusted off the mothballs from the FCR file and decided that those under 16 years and over 65 years of age would be exempt from the consequences of the FCR. The decisions of political agents can now also be overturned on appeal by a tribunal and political parties will be allowed to operate in the tribal areas.

All of these measures are improvements but they merely turn the FCR from outright barbaric to severely repressive. To applaud the government for making these small changes is like praising the Cowardly Lion in The Wizard of Oz for letting out the occasional yelp. The FCR is still a law of dubious constitutionality that needs to be done away with.

The three-member panel that will be set up to hear appeals will contain only one judge, giving equal power to a bureaucrat, and the citizens of Fata will still be beyond the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. Section 21 of the FCR still allows for the confiscation of property and ban on letting residents move to settled areas while Section 36 permits the eviction of a person from his property or village. The idea of collective punishment, a human-rights affront if ever there was one, lives on under Sections 22 and 23 of the FCR.

There is a very good case to be made that the FCR should be declared unconstitutional. Article 247(7) of the constitution declares that the jurisdiction of the courts does not extend to Fata but this is in direct opposition to the principle that access to the courts is a right provided to all citizens.

Indeed, it is only thanks to military rule that the FCR still survives. In Dosso vs the State, a case heard by the Lahore High Court in 1956, it was ruled that the FCR was incompatible with explicitly guaranteed constitutional rights. Unfortunately, then president Iskander Mirza abrogated the constitution soon after the verdict and the government appeal to the Supreme Court ended up centering on the legality of the president’s action.

The issue was raised again in 1964, two years after constitutional rights were reinstated under a new constitution. This time it was the Balochistan High Court that ruled against the FCR in Muhammad Usman vs the State. This decision too was overturned, this time by a Shariat Appellate Bench, which argued that the law must stand as a matter of convenience but that many of its clauses were incompatible with Islam.

Since then there has been no legal challenge to the FCR. Given the PPP’s timidity, it may be time for the courts to once again decide if Article 257, which designates the president and his hand-picked appointees as the sole dispensers of justice in Fata, is a constitutional oddity that needs to be discarded.

Published in The Express Tribune, August 18th, 2011.

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Reader Comments (6)

  • faraz
    Aug 17, 2011 - 9:18PM

    But how will be create strategic depth in Afghanistan without our west?Recommend

  • faraz
    Aug 17, 2011 - 11:40PM

    ET admin: why have you censored my comment?

    Recommend

  • Khalid Aziz
    Aug 18, 2011 - 3:31AM

    Let it be done one step at a time. Do too much and nothing will ever get done. That is the reality of a status quo loving Pakistan

    Recommend

  • Shahid
    Aug 18, 2011 - 4:54AM

    Removing FCR completely will only benefit terrorists at this point of time when a full scale war is going on in region. Once things come to normal, the black law must be removed immediately.

    Recommend

  • Irshad Khan
    Aug 18, 2011 - 9:40AM

    FATA is a defined territory of Pakistan with its border with Afghanistan. The border has been given the name as Durand Line when an Agreement was signed between British India and the Afghan government at that time. Durand line remained as undisputed border since its signing till date. My question is that why FATA region is not given status of a province of Pakistan such as given recently to Gilgit/Baltistan? What complications or legalities are involved? Or it is only prolonging the real issues such as the case of FCR, discussed at length, in the good article by Mr Nadir Hassan. I think many common citizens of Pakistan, like me, would like to know the facts.

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  • Amjad
    Aug 19, 2011 - 3:13AM

    I agree that FCR should be abolished but like many things in Pakistan, it takes time to fully implement changes. I think this is a step in the right direction. I await the full ban of the FCR in due course. As for the fellow who commented on strategic depth, I think he is somehow confused to bring that into a debate on Pakistani citizens and FATA. The people of FATA living in other parts of Pakistan want to see the FCR changed too.

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