Modi’s manipulation of caste-based politics
The writer is an academic and researcher. He is also the author of Development, Poverty, and Power in Pakistan, available from Routledge
Narendra Modi’s brand of Hindu nationalism is aptly described as an example of ethnic absolutism. Modi aspires to equalise differences between India’s Hindus, while simultaneously ostracising the minorities. However, Modi’s position on the caste issue is also not as progressive as it may seem at an initial glance.
Modi’s landslide win in the 2019 elections shows how successfully he managed to discredit the Congress by depicting it as elitist and dynastic. Modi has not only been able to portray himself as an opponent of dynastic politics but also as a champion of ordinary people. Many of India’s social elites, who used to support the Congress, are now comfortably aligned with Hindu nationalists. Modi’s brand of Hindutva ideology seemingly espouses a unifying agenda of dismantling caste-based distinctions. Yet, aside from some tokenistic attempts to placate caste differences, Modi is firmly promoting vested interests of the upper castes.
According to the French scholar of Indian politics, Christophe Jaffrelot, Modi and the BJP’s success is due to socio-economic concerns, in particular social elites’ fear of déclassement. Jafferlot considers the rise of Modi a counter-revolution of sorts, initiated by upper caste Hindus, in which Hindu ultranationalism serves as a powerful antidote to caste politics and positive discrimination policies.
Jaffrelot demonstrates how new quotas for jobs in the Indian public sector in the 1990s had helped lower castes mobilise politically to improve their socio-economic status. Meanwhile, upper castes experienced a steady erosion of their position in the Centre and state governments. The upper castes thus began to back Modi’s BJP to initiate a subtle counter-revolution against the Hindu majority. Other Backward Classes (OBCs) were relentlessly convinced to focus on their Hindu identity, which was said to be facing a threat from minorities (especially Muslims) and from Pakistan. Given that Modi belongs to an OBC caste himself, he also managed to dilute India’s positive discrimination system without major backlash.
It is intriguing to note how Modi managed to roll back gains made by lower castes under the guise of economic reforms, also being pushed by entities like the World Bank, which favour privatisation and a rollback of the public sector. Under Modi, inequality in India has drastically increased. Oxfam estimates that the richest 10% of Indians account for an increasing percentage of the nation’s wealth each year. Modi’s brand of capitalism is supported by the likes of obscenely rich people such as Mukesh Ambani and Gautam Adani. However, Modi’s pro-rich taxation policies have compelled India to opt for more indirect taxes which take an undue toll on poorer people.
It is ironic how the poor and working classes lend support to populist leaders, even when these leaders evidently work to undermine their interests. This does not only happen in India. Consider how the real estate billionaire, president Trump, portrayed himself as an anti-establishment champion. He used fear of the other to distract his loyalists, even when many of the policies he advocated such as dismantling healthcare, had direct adverse implications for his loyal base of supporters. Similarly, Modi presented himself as the son of a tea seller, and a champion for all Hindus. Yet, despite all his rhetorical concern for the poor, it is the rich who have been the primary beneficiaries of Modi’s rule. His government continues reinforcing a jingoistic narrative of India’s rise as a global power, while it is increasingly intolerant to growing internal criticism.
It is easy to see the glaring problems plaguing India. Yet, the prevalent political dynamics of India, especially the manipulation of religious ideology to serve political ends, and the underhanded alliance between populist leadership and local elites, should provide many useful lessons for Pakistan as well.
Published in The Express Tribune, March 12th, 2021.
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