Time for introspection, not, retribution

If Imran could reach out to Modi after the Balakot, why can’t he show the same magnanimity at home?

PHOTO: AFP

By the time these lines go for print, the two-day ultimatum given by JUI-F chief Mualana Fazlur Rehman to Prime Minister Imran Khan, seeking his resignation, would have already expired. But Imran has made it abundantly clear that he will not step down. Hence the JUI-F’s demand is a non-starter. What course of action will Maulana resort to in that scenario? Will he lead his followers to march towards D-Chowk, the famous venue where Imran had staged the 126-day-long sit-in? The government has already warned protesters of consequences if they violate the terms of agreement. The army has also said it will support the “democratically-elected” government and will not let anyone undermine the internal stability. But taking on thousands of charged protesters will surely lead to violence, something that would neither benefit the government nor is good for the country.

The PML-N and the PPP are unlikely to join the JUI-F if it decides to march towards Constitution Avenue. There have been many theories doing rounds that the PPP and the PML-N are reluctant to go to that extent because both these parties, despite having serious reservations against the government, do not want to antagonise the powers-that-be. The role of Shehbaz Sharif is particularly in question, who has taken a somewhat different line than many hardliners within the PML-N. Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, though has strongly criticised the PTI government, is also treading a careful path.

But regardless of the conjecturing, the fact of the matter is that saner voices within the PPP and the PML-N believe that seeking the ouster of the PM through street protests should be discouraged. The reason they do not support such an approach is because both parties have suffered this politics of agitation in the past. But why then these political parties are supporting Maulana’s Azadi March? The answer is that the current government or real powers have left little space for the country’s two main opposition parties to operate. Their main leadership is in jail and more cases are being instituted against the opposition politicians. This scenario has naturally pushed them closer to the JUI-F, which has little stakes in the current setup given their negligible presence in the Parliament.

The PTI government’s mishandling of the economy and other follies have given added ammunition to these opposition groups. On top of it, Prime Minister Imran’s confrontational approach and continued diatribe against opposition leaders has further caused polarisation. On a day thousands were attending the Azadi March in Islamabad, Imran went to Gilgit and hit out at opposition leaders, calling Maulana an “Indian national”.


What is certain is that Maulana is not going to get the resignation of Prime Minister Imran but there are fears that the current standoff may not augur well for the country. Some ministers have publicly threatened teaching the protesters a lesson. But they must remember that the PTI is also responsible for introducing this politics of agitation. If the current JUI-F protest is wrong, then the PTI’s 2014 sit-in can’t be justified either. Before taking the higher moral ground, Imran should publicly apologise for his dharna politics.

Now irrespective of the JUI-F’s demands, the government and its backers must seek a political way out instead of crushing the political movement.

If Imran could reach out to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi after the Balakot incident when the two countries were on the brink of a war, why can’t he show the same magnanimity at home? If today he picks up the phone and talks to opposition leaders, including Maulana, and invites them for a dialogue, he won’t do any harm to his political credentials. Pakistan, facing multiple challenges, cannot afford further political upheaval. It’s time for introspection, not retribution!

Published in The Express Tribune, November 4th, 2019.

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