Intra-Afghan talks break new ground
Admittedly Pakistan will hugely benefit from stability and peace of the west Asian country in many different ways
The writer is a former ambassador and former interior secretary
The Taliban talking to a cross-section of Afghan politicians, including many of their former enemies is an unprecedented development. The two-day talks were sponsored by the Afghan diaspora in Russia. But the conference had the full backing of the Russian government. As a matter of fact, Kremlin was hosting the event.
A fairly-strong Afghan delegation from Kabul participated in the talks. Former president Hamid Karzai and a number of former ministers and top ranking politicians — Hanif Atmar, Qanooni, Mohaqiq, Atta Mohammad Noor — and dozens of other senior leaders attended the conference.
In a first, the Taliban representatives met face to face with well-known political adversaries, eating and praying together. Not surprisingly, the focus was on how the Taliban leaders would unfold their vision of a future Afghanistan in which they would share power with other groups or factions.
The conference participants and the world did not have to wait too long for the Taliban position on critical issues confronting the country. In a policy statement delivered by the leader of the delegation, Abbas Stanikzai clarified their views on key issues.
The movement, he reiterated, has no agenda beyond the confines of Afghanistan. He emphasised that women would be given the same rights that Islam has conferred on them and that they would be free to seek and get employment, education and engage in trade and commerce and also find their marriage partners. More importantly, he declared that upon the withdrawal of foreign forces, they would not seek a monopoly of power to the exclusion of other parties, groups or factions.
Mr Stanikzai also proposed to have a completely Islamic constitution — either by writing a new document or making changes to Islamise the prevalent constitution.
There was a remarkable convergence of perceptions on most of the contentious issues that the participants were discussing. The Kabul delegation showed not only tolerance but also a great deal of accommodation towards their former adversaries. Such rare display of mutual understanding took many observers by surprise. But the spirit of the conference and the ability of the interlocutors to reciprocate gestures of goodwill would surely lay the foundations of a constructive and sustained dialogue in the days to come.
Formidable obstacles, though, lie ahead. Ashraf Ghani’s government feels sidelined as both Afghan leaders and the US embrace the Taliban in an ever-deeper engagement. As the peace talks gather momentum, the Kabul government will have to either come on board or risk further isolation that can cause unforeseen problems for the current rulers. But another issue that could cause complications is the looming US-Russia rivalry in the backdrop of the intra-Afghan peace talks organised by Russia. The US diplomacy would be at work to deny any substantive role to Russia in the event of the gradual and phased withdrawal of US/NATO forces. That would not be easy. Because the US is fighting a losing battle. The Taliban are gaining ground; the economy is worsening by the day; people’s frustration has reached its peak and the writing is on the wall about the collapse of the system or the lack of it.
The Ghani government’s credibility both internally and externally is shaken. President Ghani’s ‘comrades’ are leaving him and the regime survives only on the annual grants of the US and its allies. That support is not guaranteed any longer. Both China and Russia see the Taliban as a force that can bring peace, attack Daesh and deal with the menace of drugs. Iran has, for similar reasons, established close ties with the Taliban.
Admittedly Pakistan would hugely benefit from stability and peace of the west Asian country in many different ways. But its India-centric approach in relation to Afghanistan would offset some of the advantages that may accrue if a more pragmatic approach is not adopted sooner rather than later.
Published in The Express Tribune, February 14th, 2019.
A fairly-strong Afghan delegation from Kabul participated in the talks. Former president Hamid Karzai and a number of former ministers and top ranking politicians — Hanif Atmar, Qanooni, Mohaqiq, Atta Mohammad Noor — and dozens of other senior leaders attended the conference.
In a first, the Taliban representatives met face to face with well-known political adversaries, eating and praying together. Not surprisingly, the focus was on how the Taliban leaders would unfold their vision of a future Afghanistan in which they would share power with other groups or factions.
The conference participants and the world did not have to wait too long for the Taliban position on critical issues confronting the country. In a policy statement delivered by the leader of the delegation, Abbas Stanikzai clarified their views on key issues.
The movement, he reiterated, has no agenda beyond the confines of Afghanistan. He emphasised that women would be given the same rights that Islam has conferred on them and that they would be free to seek and get employment, education and engage in trade and commerce and also find their marriage partners. More importantly, he declared that upon the withdrawal of foreign forces, they would not seek a monopoly of power to the exclusion of other parties, groups or factions.
Mr Stanikzai also proposed to have a completely Islamic constitution — either by writing a new document or making changes to Islamise the prevalent constitution.
There was a remarkable convergence of perceptions on most of the contentious issues that the participants were discussing. The Kabul delegation showed not only tolerance but also a great deal of accommodation towards their former adversaries. Such rare display of mutual understanding took many observers by surprise. But the spirit of the conference and the ability of the interlocutors to reciprocate gestures of goodwill would surely lay the foundations of a constructive and sustained dialogue in the days to come.
Formidable obstacles, though, lie ahead. Ashraf Ghani’s government feels sidelined as both Afghan leaders and the US embrace the Taliban in an ever-deeper engagement. As the peace talks gather momentum, the Kabul government will have to either come on board or risk further isolation that can cause unforeseen problems for the current rulers. But another issue that could cause complications is the looming US-Russia rivalry in the backdrop of the intra-Afghan peace talks organised by Russia. The US diplomacy would be at work to deny any substantive role to Russia in the event of the gradual and phased withdrawal of US/NATO forces. That would not be easy. Because the US is fighting a losing battle. The Taliban are gaining ground; the economy is worsening by the day; people’s frustration has reached its peak and the writing is on the wall about the collapse of the system or the lack of it.
The Ghani government’s credibility both internally and externally is shaken. President Ghani’s ‘comrades’ are leaving him and the regime survives only on the annual grants of the US and its allies. That support is not guaranteed any longer. Both China and Russia see the Taliban as a force that can bring peace, attack Daesh and deal with the menace of drugs. Iran has, for similar reasons, established close ties with the Taliban.
Admittedly Pakistan would hugely benefit from stability and peace of the west Asian country in many different ways. But its India-centric approach in relation to Afghanistan would offset some of the advantages that may accrue if a more pragmatic approach is not adopted sooner rather than later.
Published in The Express Tribune, February 14th, 2019.