Stench of victory

The view from outside the bubble tends to be a bit different.

From this vantage point the ‘system’ that we all love to debate and defend appears not so holy, not so sacrosanct and certainly not so humane and paternalistic in its intrinsic nature. And neither do its primary beneficiaries.

So when elites fight, the grass is not alone in getting trampled. When elites are inside the system and the system is inside the bubble, the fight — however epic it may be — remains localised in its ability to have a wider societal impact. The debris from this intra-elite fight may scatter across the known landscape but rarely does it break the perma-frost that divides the elite from the rest.

The events of the last few months have brought the traditional intra-elite fight into renewed focus. The debate and discussion on who actually constitutes the elite is an unending — and in many ways inconclusive — one that usually shapes around the situation at hand. And therefore it may be natural to ask if the ouster of former prime minister Nawaz Sharif is a classic case of a power struggle disguised in the lofty goals of accountability and the rule of law?

The evidence is far from conclusive. The former PM clearly thinks so and is busy articulating it from every available platform. Perhaps he does not have the luxury to choose his narrative and he doesn’t have the time to construct a brand new one. So his opting for a fight armed with the conspiracy narrative is but natural and far from surprising. But that’s not the point.

The judgment that formed the sword that decapitated the former PM is far from a perfect one. And that’s saying it politely. The grounds on which Nawaz Sharif has been disqualified are weak and therefore elicit derision from many legal experts. The ensuing trial of the former prime minister and his children may fulfill the requirements of due process and may lead to convictions, but that would still not erase the fundamental weakness of the argument that formed the basis for the disqualification of a sitting prime minister. But that’s not the point.

The tweet that launched a thousand whispers and its ultimate reversal formed the climax of the ‘DawnLeaks’ affair — and yet was it really the climax or the buildup to the final one? The scandal revolving around the front-page story by Cyril Almeida was more than the sum of all its paragraphs. Perhaps the publishing of the story resulted in the crossing of many red lines that are never meant to be crossed within the traditional matrix. This was made worse by the fact that the lines were crossed in public. The final catastrophe was the over-the-top reaction that snowballed into a national security crisis. The fight had to be fought and fought it was. But that’s not the point.

Was the cocktail of dharnas ever about the change of system? In a bare-knuckled fight for power, the PTI resorted to anything and everything that can be used by anyone and everyone to win a bare-knuckled fight. Did Imran Khan use the system to change the system? Did he fight the fight inside the ring or outside it? Perhaps now might be a good time for the PTI high command to read up on Nietzsche (Beyond Good and Evil): “He who fights with monsters should look to it that he himself does not become a monster. And if you gaze long into an abyss, the abyss also gazes into you.” But that’s not the point.



Inside the Technicolour world of the bubble, the PML-N has had a good run. In this world it pretended that it had bought, not brought, progress for the people through projects. In this world projects completed with efficiency provide an enhanced standard of living to those who benefit from them. They also attract investment via better infrastructure and services which in turn triggers greater economic activity leading to job creation, income generation and ultimately economic benefits at the grassroots level. Isn’t this what governments are supposed to do, the PML-N asks. They may have a point — to an extent. And they did deliver — to an extent. But that’s not the point.

If the whole point of the fight is to win, then who won? And more importantly, what defines this victory?

In fact, the point is not inside the bubble. It never was. Within the cozy confines of the bubble, the revolution has already happened — or is at least in an advanced stage. The great transformation is unfolding in front of our eyes, swaying to the beat of the cherished tomorrow breaking its dawn over the horizon. Inside this delightful world the mighty court has heralded the onset of accountability where no one will be above the law; where dreams will flower from translucent ballot boxes and where institutional elite will burn the midnight oil to melt the perma-frost that separates them from their beloved masses.

Outside the bubble though lies the smouldering wreckage of the National Action Plan. Here the criminal justice system is still as rotten as it always has despite loud proclamations from their Lordships; here the cops still investigate with rods and lawyers dispense legal services with their fists. Here outside the bubble educational reform is still measured in bricks and mortar and hospitals are hunting grounds for young doctors and pharmaceutical predators. Here democracy is still a concept measured in patronage whose outflow depends on your proximity to the inner circle. Here joy is nothing more than the distant sound of trumpets somewhere beyond the hills. Reflected glory is all that is available.

Inside the bubble, victors toast to their success. Outside, the stench of victory is overpowering.

Published in The Express Tribune, August 20^th, 2017.

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