Imran Khan as the third force...
Imran Khan’s campaign lacks the support and presence of an even slightly left-leaning and progressive population
The writer is a barrister and UK solicitor who works with Aurat Foundation on law and governance issues
Imran Khan and his various takes on street resistance have been over valid issues of epidemic corruption, bad governance and complete lack of political accountability. The Panama Paper leaks make things even more relevant and timely. The ruling elite is seeped so far in corruption, one cannot tell what is right from wrong. Imran Khan’s actual intent then is no bad thing. But a movement to shake the status quo, with such deep roots, requires such strong party cadre willing to wage the long, sustained struggle — both ideologically and on the streets.
With corruption as his only real agenda Khan’s somewhat abrupt entry into politics, has managed firstly, show potential cracks on a two-party system. Secondly, there is a segment of Pakistani society, mainly the youth, that have been awakened to the fact that the major political parties have failed to deliver. Thirdly, and most importantly perhaps, there is real truth in the fact that corruption has hindered progress in all areas of economic and merit based sectors. What Imran Khan says out loud is what we rant about in our drawing room discussions. And so Pakistan’s religiously tilted and politically right-leaning population have put all their faith in Khan to challenge the status quo. With his promise of a good street party, with a DJ of course, the protesters take to the streets. In between music intervals they demand the fall of a corrupt government. A bit of fun with serious undertones. After work. With the family. Can’t be all that bad, can it?
Unfortunately, what Khan’s advisors have failed to pick up on is this. The Khan camp is filling in the gap for good street parties and outdoor cultural events lacking for youth and families, particularly in the capital. A good street party cannot seriously be translated into a real political force to be reckoned with which Khan lacks in the party cadre and on the streets. Secondly, Imran Khan’s presence in a country with a large youth population, which are his main supporters, cannot be ignored, though the real demographics of his vote bank has not been properly analysed. He may have reached out to many but he has also, very successfully, alienated a majority that are frustrated with the present status quo but would not support Imran Khan — in the streets nor on the ballot paper. A policy to address youth unemployment and how to keep youth away from extremist brainwashing are eminent issues that seem to be virtually non-existent. Where are the national and provincial students federation activists in the crowds or on the stage?
Khan’s campaign completely lacks the support and presence of an even slightly left-leaning and progressive population that were once mesmerised and inspired by the charismatic Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. This vacuum is obvious in those next to him on the containers and those listening on the ground. Khan has provided nothing beyond urban city, slightly conservative jargon, where he easily excludes farmers, labourers and the working class. A street protest in rural Pakistan led by Khan would not look like it does in Islamabad. Real mobilisation of the grass roots is completely unseen.
The 2018 elections, if we get that far, will definitely feature Khan but he will not sweep more than he did in the last elections. Perhaps, his astute understanding of this very fact is the reason he attempts the street protests in the first place. He lacks ideological understanding and depth to attract the right people in his party and in his audience. He lacks the understanding that sound policy will bring him forward, not his repetition of the same sound bites, louder and louder. He lacks the foresight of the importance of democracy for Pakistan and what democratic norms constitute. But most importantly, his main and probably only real policy objective fails to invoke his supporters or his opponents to envision a Pakistan that is corrupt free. Whatever one has to say about the PPP now is one thing but it cannot be denied that when Bhutto shook the foundations of an establishment it was on the basis of invoking people to understand and aspire towards better. And those that surrounded Bhutto included the likes of Rasool Bux Talpur, Dr Mubashar Hassan, Mairaj Mohammad, to name but a very, very few. It is this sort of calibre that was able to shake a rent-seeking patronage. Where are similar figures today? Where are the poets, the writers, the thinkers? I’ll tell you where, looking for change, but not looking at Khan for it.
A Supreme Court decision to set up a Panamagate commission has been lauded by Khan as a real victory. What is real is that a conservative, right-leaning leader, with a tank devoid of intellectual or ideological depth, is driving a party to look as if in the middle of the road, is prone to eventually get run over if real constitutional norms are allowed to prevail.
Published in The Express Tribune, November 5th, 2016.
With corruption as his only real agenda Khan’s somewhat abrupt entry into politics, has managed firstly, show potential cracks on a two-party system. Secondly, there is a segment of Pakistani society, mainly the youth, that have been awakened to the fact that the major political parties have failed to deliver. Thirdly, and most importantly perhaps, there is real truth in the fact that corruption has hindered progress in all areas of economic and merit based sectors. What Imran Khan says out loud is what we rant about in our drawing room discussions. And so Pakistan’s religiously tilted and politically right-leaning population have put all their faith in Khan to challenge the status quo. With his promise of a good street party, with a DJ of course, the protesters take to the streets. In between music intervals they demand the fall of a corrupt government. A bit of fun with serious undertones. After work. With the family. Can’t be all that bad, can it?
Unfortunately, what Khan’s advisors have failed to pick up on is this. The Khan camp is filling in the gap for good street parties and outdoor cultural events lacking for youth and families, particularly in the capital. A good street party cannot seriously be translated into a real political force to be reckoned with which Khan lacks in the party cadre and on the streets. Secondly, Imran Khan’s presence in a country with a large youth population, which are his main supporters, cannot be ignored, though the real demographics of his vote bank has not been properly analysed. He may have reached out to many but he has also, very successfully, alienated a majority that are frustrated with the present status quo but would not support Imran Khan — in the streets nor on the ballot paper. A policy to address youth unemployment and how to keep youth away from extremist brainwashing are eminent issues that seem to be virtually non-existent. Where are the national and provincial students federation activists in the crowds or on the stage?
Khan’s campaign completely lacks the support and presence of an even slightly left-leaning and progressive population that were once mesmerised and inspired by the charismatic Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. This vacuum is obvious in those next to him on the containers and those listening on the ground. Khan has provided nothing beyond urban city, slightly conservative jargon, where he easily excludes farmers, labourers and the working class. A street protest in rural Pakistan led by Khan would not look like it does in Islamabad. Real mobilisation of the grass roots is completely unseen.
The 2018 elections, if we get that far, will definitely feature Khan but he will not sweep more than he did in the last elections. Perhaps, his astute understanding of this very fact is the reason he attempts the street protests in the first place. He lacks ideological understanding and depth to attract the right people in his party and in his audience. He lacks the understanding that sound policy will bring him forward, not his repetition of the same sound bites, louder and louder. He lacks the foresight of the importance of democracy for Pakistan and what democratic norms constitute. But most importantly, his main and probably only real policy objective fails to invoke his supporters or his opponents to envision a Pakistan that is corrupt free. Whatever one has to say about the PPP now is one thing but it cannot be denied that when Bhutto shook the foundations of an establishment it was on the basis of invoking people to understand and aspire towards better. And those that surrounded Bhutto included the likes of Rasool Bux Talpur, Dr Mubashar Hassan, Mairaj Mohammad, to name but a very, very few. It is this sort of calibre that was able to shake a rent-seeking patronage. Where are similar figures today? Where are the poets, the writers, the thinkers? I’ll tell you where, looking for change, but not looking at Khan for it.
A Supreme Court decision to set up a Panamagate commission has been lauded by Khan as a real victory. What is real is that a conservative, right-leaning leader, with a tank devoid of intellectual or ideological depth, is driving a party to look as if in the middle of the road, is prone to eventually get run over if real constitutional norms are allowed to prevail.
Published in The Express Tribune, November 5th, 2016.