— William Arthur Ward
After 22 months of the formulation of 20 points National Action Plan (NAP), debate regarding its implementation gave birth to a number of questions. Before the drafting of the NAP, national consensus regarding tackling the challenge of militancy and terrorism was a missing link.
The NAP depicts that with political ownership, clarity, better civil-military understanding, coordination and public support, we may effectively respond to the challenge and convert it into an opportunity for structural readjustment. Undoubtedly, the formulation of the NAP was not only a right step for consolidating anti-terrorism efforts but it also raised public expectations.
Before formulation of the NAP, provinces and the centre enacted laws and raised counter-terrorism forces but the NAP for the first time consolidated legislative, administrative, institutional and reformative steps to be implemented by the centre and provinces.
The NAP divorced the policy of ambiguity and also strengthened the realisation regarding better civil-military understanding on the issues of counter extremism and terrorism. An effectual policy is not to be stagnant but ideally, it is to be adaptable and innovative. Like other plans, the NAP is also an amalgamation of strengths and weaknesses.
The NAP was tailored as a consequence of attack on APS hence framers had not enough time to work out detailed modalities and missed few points’ needs incorporation. However, that is not possible without an objective independent review.
The SWOT analysis helps us to understand its strength, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT). Strengths of the NAP are the consensus among civilian and military top brass, government and opposition. Popular public sentiments also support its implementation in toto.
Weaknesses include no defined implementation timeline. Initially, there was no exclusive monitoring apparatus but in August 2016, Lt General (retd) Janjua was entrusted with the responsibilities to head the NAP monitoring committee. To assess its efficacy, the “statistical approach” has been employed. It’s not the statistics but rather the public satisfaction that enhances the trust between the state and the public, hence third party audits will independently paint the true picture. Though, to oversee its implementation at provincial levels “Apex Committees (ACs)” had been constituted, such bodies operate at high level and decisions taken there need to be translated at divisional and district levels hence at such levels proactive operational review apparatus is required.
Opportunities include educating communities about the threats being posed by the violent non-state actors and seeking public support to tackle the menace of extremism. The NAP provides opportunity to both the centre and provinces to work jointly and synchronise their efforts. The NAP could be a platform to learn and share the counter terrorism experience of K-P, Quetta and Karachi police. Though the 9/11 attack traumatised the US, the moment of adversity was converted into an opportunity to reconsolidate their law enforcement, counter terrorism and immigration apparatus. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) was created through the integration of 22 different federal departments. For us, it’s an opportunity to reconsolidate our law-enforcement apparatus and that is not possible without a holistic approach. It is also to be treated as a rare opportunity to challenge the status quo and the role of the traditional forces like Frontier Constabulary, Scouts, Militias and Khasadars is to be re-defined. Point 20 of the NAP suggests reforms in criminal Justice system (CJS). Prior to the NAP, there were isolated efforts to reform police, judiciary, prisons and prosecution but there is no precedent of a holistic approach to reform all the components of CJS. Though the CJS primarily pertains to the provincial governments, the federal government has to assume a lead role. Although the K-P and Punjab took some reformative measures, those are primarily legal and procedural hence structural adjustment of CJS is still a far cry.
NAP also provides an opportunity for administrative reconsolidation. While traveling from Peshawar to Kohat, a commuter has to cross FR Kohat and FR Peshawar areas. In case of a crime or terrorism, the administration of settled districts had been confronting administrative and legal obstacles hence administrative reforms in such areas are inevitable.
It is to be made an opportunity to diagnose the reasons why youth are susceptible to join the voices of extremist outfits? What are our preventive measures to deter youth from joining extremists? Who knows the real dropout rate? How to bring back the dropped out students back into the orbit of education? Why community primarily plays the role of silent spectator and becomes victim? Extremists are not residing in vacuum but why community failed to sniff the odor of extremism? Why is it not assumed to be an opportunity to motivate the community in identifying the facilitators and financiers of terrorism and extremism?
Following Sri Lankan precedent it is also an opportunity to appoint The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC). In Sri Lanka, the LLRC submitted its report in 2011 and tried to inquire the reasons of insurgency and suggested measures has to how to avoid such kind of situation in future.
The complaints of making fake CNICs for Afghan refugees not only speak of corruption within NADRA they are also a threat to our national interests.
Since 9/11, the K-P had been tackling terrorism with its law-enforcement apparatus and took initiatives including establishment of Joint Police Training Centre, the Counter Terrorism Department, raising of elite force, K-9 unit, the revamping of bomb disposal unit but at certain occasions like operations in Malakand and in adjoining Fata, the province had to seek federal help.
Reforms in Fata and the return of refugees and TDPs are two significant points in the NAP carrying direct impact on K-P. Peace in Fata will have direct positive impact on certain areas of K-P. The presence of Afghan refugees not only burdened the fragile economy of K-P but also carries links with militancy, terrorism, and crime and war economy.
Zero tolerance against violent extremism should be the strategic objective of the NAP. Prevention of the proliferation of hate literature, misuse of loudspeakers and coherence over Madrassah reforms are other imperatives that can be achieved with political ownership and effective administrative apparatus.
Mere security centric interpretation of the NAP will not gain the desired objectives hence the NAP is to be linked with socio-economic realities. The real test for civil administration will be to retain the gains of military operations and that is not possible without a doable transition plan.
Published in The Express Tribune, November 2nd, 2016.
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