Where the dead become stars

Nanjing remains central to its understanding of history, peace and Japanese militarism

Beneath a ceiling of countless points of light, silence acquires its own language. In the Room of Stars at the Memorial Hall of the Victims in Nanjing Massacre by Japanese Invaders, thousands of tiny fibre-optic lights shimmer above walls engraved with names.

According to an ancient Chinese belief, the departed become stars. Here, every light represents a life extinguished during one of the darkest episodes of the twentieth century. The effect is quietly devastating. Statistics dissolve into individual human beings; history becomes intimate. The dead are not merely counted. They are remembered.

That quiet dignity defines the memorial. There are no triumphant monuments or theatrical displays. Visitors move through austere concrete halls, open courtyards and sombre galleries designed to encourage reflection rather than spectacle.

Human remains recovered from mass graves rest beneath glass, confronting visitors with the physical reality of atrocity. At the centre hangs the Bell of Peace, whose resonant toll reminds those gathered that remembrance is meaningful only if it serves the cause of peace.

The timing of such remembrance carries renewed significance. This month, China marked the 89th anniversary of the beginning of the whole-nation War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, commemorating a struggle that fundamentally shaped modern China.

Official ceremonies once again linked remembrance of wartime sacrifice with warnings against historical revisionism and what Beijing sees as the dangers of renewed militarism in the region.

For China, Nanjing is therefore not only about mourning the past but also about guarding the future.

On December 13, 1937, Japanese forces captured Nanjing, then China's capital. What followed over the next six weeks has become one of history's most thoroughly documented wartime atrocities. Chinese sources place the death toll at around 300,000.

Tens of thousands of women were raped, civilians and prisoners of war were executed en masse, neighbourhoods were looted and burned, and the city descended into systematic terror. The museum preserves photographs, burial records, personal belongings, eyewitness testimonies and international documentation that together form an overwhelming historical record.

Yet, the memorial insists that Nanjing should never be viewed in isolation. The massacre was not an inexplicable eruption of violence but one chapter in Japan's wider war of conquest across China. Its galleries place Nanjing alongside exhibits on biological warfare, forced labour, "comfort women," and the activities of Unit 731, illustrating that these crimes formed part of a broader system of imperial expansion sustained by militarism and fascist ideology.

To stop at victimhood, however, would be to misunderstand the Chinese story entirely.

The massacre became one of the defining moments in a much longer national struggle that ultimately ended not in annihilation but in victory. China's War of Re

For more than four years before the attack on Pearl Harbour brought the United States formally into the Pacific War, China bore the overwhelming burden of resisting Japanese expansion almost alone.

Against enormous odds, an impoverished and politically divided country tied down hundreds of thousands of Japanese troops, frustrating Tokyo's ambitions and preventing those forces from being deployed elsewhere.

Allied planners understood that China's continued resistance was indispensable to the wider anti-fascist war. Had China collapsed, the strategic balance across Asia would have been transformed.

'Forgotten sacrifice'

However, this broader history remains surprisingly unfamiliar outside China as, in the words of British historian and political scientist, the country remains a “forgotten ally” of the Allied powers.

For many readers in Europe and North America, the Second World War still evokes Normandy, Stalingrad, Iwo Jima or Auschwitz. Battles that proved decisive for China's survival — Taierzhuang, Changsha, Wuhan or the long defence of Chongqing — rarely occupy a comparable place in global memory.

However, during the war itself China stood at the centre of international attention.

The wartime capital of Chongqing endured relentless aerial bombardment that became a symbol of civilian endurance.

Writers and artists travelled to China to witness the conflict firsthand. W. H. Auden and Christopher Isherwood journeyed across the country, while photographer Robert Capa documented the devastation. In one of his Sonnets from China, Auden linked "Nanking" with "Dachau," recognising that fascist violence transcended national boundaries.

For many progressives of the era, the Chinese struggle against Japanese aggression belonged to the same global confrontation against fascism that was unfolding in Spain and, later, across Europe.

Why, then, did this history largely disappear from international consciousness?

Part of the answer lies in the Cold War. After 1949, ideological divisions reshaped historical memory. The narrative of the Second World War increasingly centred on Europe and the Pacific campaigns led by the United States, while China's immense sacrifices received comparatively little attention. A conflict that had once dominated newspaper headlines gradually receded into the background of Western historical imagination.

Inside China, however, the war never disappeared.

Apart from museums, its legacy can also be found in textbooks, documentaries, memorial ceremonies and public commemorations. Every December 13, air-raid sirens sound across Nanjing as the nation pauses to remember the victims. Schoolchildren visit the memorial. Survivors' testimonies are preserved for future generations. In 2014, China formally established National Memorial Day for the Victims of the Nanjing Massacre, embedding remembrance within the country's civic calendar.

What gives the memorial particular moral authority is its willingness to preserve not only the voices of victims but also the confessions of perpetrators.

Former Unit 731 member Yoshio Shinozuka publicly described how Chinese captives were reduced to "maruta," or "logs," stripped even of their humanity before being subjected to lethal experiments. He admitted that those inside the unit gradually ceased to recognise the humanity of their victims. Such testimonies reveal how imperial ideology dehumanises both the oppressed and the oppressor.

They also reinforce an essential point that historical truth does not only rest on nationalist mythology but also on abundant documentary evidence, survivor accounts, international records and, in some cases, the perpetrators' own words.

This insistence on evidence explains why the memorial reacts so strongly against attempts to minimise or deny the massacre. Historical denial, at once, is presented simply as an academic disagreement and an assault on the dignity of the dead and a danger to the living. Remembering becomes a civic responsibility.

The memorial's political message is equally clear. It condemns Japanese militarism rather than the Japanese people themselves. Many Japanese scholars, peace activists and ordinary visitors have come to Nanjing to acknowledge the crimes committed in the name of empire.

The museum repeatedly distinguishes between an aggressive imperial state and the people who later confronted that history with honesty and remorse. That distinction matters. It transforms remembrance from an instrument of ethnic hatred into a warning against militarism in every society.

First challenge to imperialism

The tragedy of Nanjing also exposes broader historical forces. Japanese expansion into China did not emerge from ancient cultural antagonisms but from the logic of imperial competition, industrial expansion and colonial domination.

Empire required conquest; conquest required militarism; militarism normalised mass violence. Nanjing thus stands not merely as a Chinese tragedy but as one of history's starkest demonstrations of where aggressive imperial projects ultimately lead.

It is no coincidence that contemporary Chinese commemorations increasingly connect this history with present debates over regional security and historical memory.

As some political currents in Japan advocate expanded military capabilities and disputes over wartime memory continue to surface, Beijing argues that the lessons of anti-fascist resistance remain unfinished.

Whether one agrees with every aspect of that interpretation or not, it is impossible to understand modern China's political consciousness without understanding the central place occupied by the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression.

According to historian Richard Overy, author of Blood and Ruins: The Last Imperial War, 1931-1945, the Chinese were the first to challenge the new wave of imperialism, fighting against Japanese empire building from 1931 to 1939 before the war in Europe began.

Nobody else, he argues, was fighting effectively against the rise of this new imperialism in Europe, for example, until Britain and France decided to declare war on Germany. “So from that point of view, China is in the forefront. China is the first state fighting against that imperialism.”

Secondly, he notes, the Chinese didn't lose the war as they continued to fight from 1942 to 1945. The Japanese were not able to defeat them or to force a peace on them. They continued to resist. The Japanese could not conclude the war in China, which meant that they were facing all the time a war on two fronts: a war in China and a war in the Pacific.

And for a country like Japan, which was relatively weak economically and industrially, to divide their forces and resources in that way meant almost certainly it would not win either, and they didn't.

As a result, Chinese resistance helped to maintain the Allied position in Asia. “And I think that it's time that Western historians come to acknowledge that fully. Imagine that Chiang Kai-shek gave up. The Japanese would have dominated the whole of China, and would have used all their imperial resources for the war against the Americans in the Pacific.”

Not revenge

In the end, the Room of Stars offers no call for revenge. It offers something more enduring: memory without surrender to oblivion. Beneath its quiet constellation, the victims of Nanjing are no longer anonymous casualties of history but enduring witnesses against imperial violence.

Their light asks each generation the same question: not simply whether we remember the past, but whether we possess the courage to recognise the warning it still carries.

While illuminating those who were lost in 1937, the stars above Nanjing also illuminate humanity's continuing responsibility to resist militarism, defend historical truth and build a peace founded on justice rather than forgetting.

WRITTEN BY: Hamza Rao

The views expressed by the writer and the reader comments do not necassarily reflect the views and policies of the Express Tribune.