Interregnum: As the tiger returns, what's next for Pakistan?
Many nations and empires have undergone tectonic changes to the very fabric of its political and societal composition during periods of interregnum. The real question that faces this pivotal player, our motherland, is whether it can withstand such a paradigm shift.
With each day, analysts and political spectators grow weary of Premier Anwarul Haq Kakar's onslaught. The oversimplification and indifference towards destabilising economic indicators have induced a vacuum between the public sentiment and the hybrid regime in Islamabad. It was only recently that Shehbaz Sharif's coalition struggled to navigate itself through the aftermath of the events that culminated in a “dark day” for citizens and observers alike. Yet it appears that the current setup merely presides over a reorientation towards the traditional separation of powers.
Although a government rules today, it is important to recognise that donning a sherwani and swearing-in ministers does not necessarily translate into a democratic or functional government. One might even chuckle at the sight of political leaders, especially former prime minister Imran Khan, receiving their just deserts for lamenting the deficit in civilian supremacy. It is rather clear that PTI's attempt to exhibit its “street power” has had the most disastrous effect on the fledgling state of the party. The mob's descent on military positions that culminated in the events of May 9th has done nothing but solidify the yolk of the establishment and has, in fact, invited a political interregnum. For the uninitiated, it is worth noting that periods of interregnum have almost always invited the possibility of radical change for better or for worse. However, historically speaking, every abdication and/or dissolution under such circumstances has wrought havoc and bedlam upon the subjects of that nation.
The past few weeks have exemplified the extent of control exerted by our lord protectors, where the voices of freedom have been hushed to restore the status quo, even if it translates into a temporary truce. Now that matters of legitimacy, freedom and even constitutionality have been swiftly brushed aside by the navigators of the realm, an existential question looms over our heads. To what end are the establishment and the traditional political parties working towards? This slogan of a “greater good” has proved to be nothing but folly.
Whilst his eminence has inaugurated a mighty concept for financial revival – the Special Investment Facilitation Council – with much fanfare, it remains to be seen whether this shadow of a plan can address the country's ailing economy. The ones donning cloaks of Jupiter should realise that the Pakistan of today is much different from the Pakistan fostered by President Ziaul Haq or President Pervez Musharraf. The country does not enjoy the attention of foreign powers as it did in those respective periods, and it appears that our friends in the Middle East grow tired of stale requests to keep us afloat. Therefore, any unilateral commitments regarding foreign direct investment at this time must be taken with a grain of salt.
Matters exacerbated by the recent episode of an imminent default have left a bitter taste amongst the youth and old alike, who are now experiencing the overbearing nature of hyperinflation and depreciation. While the populace, especially the middle-aged demographic, has grown accustomed to sacrificing necessities to seek a brighter future for the country, in the face of a balance of payment crises, this fixation on cracking down on the opposition and their chieftain Khan delivered a shock to the masses. State institutions' sheer indifference and indignation towards the plight of the working and middle class has translated into disillusionment akin to that experienced in the aftermath of 1971.
Although the judiciary attempted to create a level playing field for all state actors by drafting orders left, right and centre, the ground reality is that there is no room for Imran Khan and his rag-tag band of rebels. The PTI has unfortunately become untenable for the establishment as a future partner in any political venture. One might comfort themselves with the fanciful prospect of seeing Imran emerge victorious in true Napoleonic fashion. However, the swearing-in ceremony of a respected and now well-trusted Qazi Faez Isa as the 29th Chief Justice of Pakistan has invited fervent anticipation in Rawalpindi regarding the decided fate of a disgruntled “kaptaan”.
Therefore, in view of the preceding, if the most radical political party in Pakistan could not enact the tsunami of change that they promised but rather worked to secure its position, it is hard to see the traditional players don the helm of policymakers. As subjects to an interregnum, it would be foolish to believe that we stand at a crossroads in this nation's history. The reality is, as it has been since our country's inception, we are recovering from a hangover of another failed experiment. As is the case with recovery, those sitting on those overbearing thrones of power often forget their subjects. Those very subjects – bearing the name of Pakistanis – lay at the centre of this tug-of-war between the praetorian guard, the senate, and Caesar, whereby the chasm that has replaced any notion of compromise grows larger every day.
It may be that compromise is not on the cards, as it appears that the game is set in favour of the traditional settlement between the circus players, whereby we shall see a tiger riding a bicycle throughout the streets of Pakistan. Once again, we shall assume the role of spectators and cheer to the same sight with renewed hope that we shall prosper. For now, the advice for our fellow readers is as it has always been: take a deep breath and prepare for the unfurling of the red carpet for the inbound flight from Heathrow Airport. The die is about to be cast – disqualification is abound.