Demystifying memogate

Haqqani is much too controversial to handle anymore Pakistan’s most difficult international relationship.


Tanvir Ahmad Khan November 22, 2011

The BBC lady — the long-distance interviewer — began by reminding me that I wrote the first op-ed piece in Pakistan (The Express Tribune, October 16) on Mansoor Ijaz’s ‘disclosures’ in Financial Times about the controversial ‘Pakistani’ memo to Admiral Mullen. I wondered if there was a slight note of disapproval in her voice when I did not endorse the suggestion that the authors of the memo were entitled to American assistance in thwarting yet another military takeover. In reality, no such threat existed and certainly was not the reason for the drafting of the memo.

But then, what was the reason for Ijaz’s exertions during that blighted week of May 2011? Do we know the dramatis personae — the full cast — and not just the political adventurer, Mansoor Ijaz and the unlikely ‘fall guy’, Husain Haqqani? And why did Ijaz blow the whistle so soon by rushing to print? In a rolling story, one can only go by some facts and some conjectures.

One, the memo does exist as a monumental testimony to a crude conspiracy hatched and abandoned in haste. Two, linguistic analysis shows it was not drafted in Islamabad but in the United States, probably by the author of the Financial Times’ op-ed piece. Haqqani’s prose is much more elegant, though one cannot rule out his having ‘tweaked’ it. Determination of his contribution depends on whether the transcript of alleged ‘conversations’ with Ijaz is genuine or an audacious forgery.

We enter the world of conjecture as we ponder the plot further. The OBL curtain-fall was read and projected as a moment of the Pakistan Army’s ultimate humiliation. Presumably, short-sighted friends of Pakistan’s elected government saw in it an opportunity of all times to stage a coup against the army and the ISI with anticipated assistance from Washington. Ideas flew across continents and a mysterious ‘WE’ became the putative authors of a quixotic offer that took in even the skilfully concealed desire to place Pakistan’s nuclear programme under American control. Mansoor Ijaz also sketched the penumbra of the dark plot by suggesting preposterously that Jahangir Karamat and Mahmud Durrani were also on board and available for a new security and foreign policy team. The message to Washington was that the ‘We’ of the memo was a tactical euphemism for Zardari. With its global experience of civil and military establishments, Washington did not take the bait. End of the plot; time for a whistleblower and his inscrutable new motives.

Where does this leave Husain Haqqani? He has always maintained a lobby in Pakistan to advance his limitless ambition and used his intellectual and other gifts to establish a degree of control on President Zardari’s mind that, historically speaking, has brought sovereigns and empires to grief. He can, therefore, ride the storm. But there are several reasons why his present innings should come to a close.

He is much too controversial to handle anymore Pakistan’s most difficult international relationship. I have a large notebook containing extracts on the art of diplomacy from numerous sources, but the one that comes to my mind readily is not from Machiavelli, Metternich or Kissinger, but Spock saying in Star Trek : “I must acknowledge, once and for all, that the purpose of diplomacy is to prolong a crisis”. Surely neither Zardari nor Husain Haqqani would want to do that to the troubled Pakistan-US relations.

Robert Burns once wrote: “Oh would some power the giftie gie us / To see ourselves as others see us / It would from many a blunder free us, and foolish notion.” Right or wrong, most Pakistanis believe that Haqqani has worked for total American hegemony in Pakistan and that he has personally directed a media campaign to trash Pakistan’s China policy. Grossly oversized in his influence, ambition and reach, he has not only completely outgrown the traditional role of an ambassador but has also hobbled Pakistan’s foreign ministers, foreign secretaries and the cabinet. Husain Haqqani should now rise transparently to his full and complex stature by getting elected to parliament to cut Pakistani military and intelligence services to size and leave professional day-to-day diplomacy to lesser beings. Alternatively, he can give himself a sabbatical and write a bestseller.

Published in The Express Tribune, November 23rd, 2011.

COMMENTS (16)

Noman | 12 years ago | Reply

Mr. Hussain Haqqani is at best a very unreliable, very ambitious, mercenary sort of person and without any scruples, loyalty, ideology or principles like Mr. Rahman Malik. Mr. Zardari is paying the price of fighting with a mercenary army, who are very greedy for rewards if there is a victory and who run at the first sign of a defeat.

Abbas from the US | 12 years ago | Reply

@buttjee:

Corruption is endemic to societies maturing in capitalist economies without a completely representative democracy and evolved institutions to put a check on it. Today's Asia is not therefore different and corruption is quite visible in the two representative but politically different societies like China and India that continue to grow and prosper despite the scourge of corruption. And the sooner the political economies evolve to the stage of Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan corruption will be part of the underground economy, as we use to term as "Black" in India and Pakistan 50 or even more years ago.

I remembered reading this article in Time magazine in 1967 and went back to it and discovered nothing has changed in these 4 and half decades later as Asia plays catch up with the post industrial economies of the West

US.http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,840959,00.html

But what Pakistan suffers from a problem that is ten times larger, and could end up destroying Pakistan itself as it exists in territorial, ethnic, economic boundaries. And further dictate the socio-economic conditions of the areas it comprises for a few generations down the road.

If Pakistan moves into the gray area of being in the stage of the sixth Khillafat, now being announced from such irrelevant places till yesterday like Tunis. Whose political victors while ascending to power through the democratic process are at the same time supportive of sectarian strife in Bahrain in its support of the Bahraini Monarchy. It will have terrible consequences for the general population seeking a better economic future while socially coming to terms with the twenty first century.

So what are the choices for a Pakistani American viewing the current Pakistani situation unfold where the Hizb e Tehrir is lurking in the background that would be Pakistan's undoing of the ideological foundations of the nation for which it was created

One can only be supportive of the largest political tents available that is not limited to ethnicity and nor to sectarian or religious cover.

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