Change? What change?

Combine results of by-elections, Senate elections, it is a victory for traditional politics, no trace, hint of change.


Syed Talat Hussain March 08, 2012

In Pakistan, hope soars as quickly as it plunges. Take the expectation that this country is on the verge of a spectacular political change, of the sort that was witnessed in the early 70s when former chairman Pakistan Peoples Party Zulfikar Ali Bhutto caused the collapse of traditional politics and brought at the centre of political stage the comman man —‘Tonga wala’ and ‘Rikshaw wala’ as he used to call them.

Propelling the new-age expectation has been the sense that there is nationwide disappointment with the existing lot of politicians, who have ruined the country in the name of ruling it. As the economy suffers from the pains of stagflation and law and order worsens, the resultant frustration would swell into a tidal wave bringing old houses of power down. This is what Imran Khan calls the tsunami that would level the established political order to the ground and help the rise of a new Pakistan.

However, the recent political exercise in voting has punctured this ballooning hope. If you combine the by-elections with the Senate elections, the result is a complete victory of traditional politics without a trace or hint of change. Together these elections have endorsed the Pakistan Muslim League-N and the Peoples Party with the good old factor of ‘independents’ shining from behind the two, indicating the hold of the individual in certain parts of the country.

Moreover, these elections have been contested according to the time-tested formula that money buys everything, and the rest can be obtained through lavish use of state funds and by striking hard bargains with local interlocutors. The other component of the formula, the gridlock of families and clans on national politics too, remains tight and strong.

Look at Musa Gilani’s thumping victory in Multan. While Shah Mehmood Qureshi can twist and turn in his shoes as senior vice president of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf and complain bitterly that by not contesting the polls, the party has frittered away his constituency, the votes gotten by Musa Gilani are still astounding — in excess of 90,000, almost double the votes of his opponent.

The victory looks particularly striking considering that the prime minister’s son had all the attributes that a changed political mood in the country, theoretically, should have rejected. From ill-gotten wealth to misgovernance, the family he belongs to is in the eye of every storm of accusation that can be possibly imagined.

On top of it all, his father is facing the charge of contempt of the highest judicial forum in the country. But these elements that are supposed to form the basis of the defeat of traditional ruling elite came to nothing on the day the polling started. Eyewitnesses say that enthusiastic voters stood in long queues cheering, waving and dancing on their way to electing their man, Musa Gilani, to the National Assembly. Later on, the thrill of celebrations peaked as aerial firing pierced the calm of the city for hours reportedly killing a person — a small cost to pay for the great joys of life of the Gilani family.

In the Senate elections billions have moved through greasy hands into deep pockets. In Balochistan and Fata, each vote was chased with unrivalled determination. The amounts mentioned in these ‘democratic transactions’ run up to 350 million a person. The end result? The Peoples Party has become the single largest party just a few short of having simple majority in the Senate while the PML-N has doubled its strength through careful deals struck in the backrooms of national politics with the negotiating team deputed by President Asif Ali Zardari.

The spectrum of politics looks no different from the time when the two parties shared the spoils of office by taking turns at exercising power. In that decade of the 90s even the almighty hand of the Establishment with all the rigging and stealing of elections could not break the mode of politics that hinged on the League and the PPP. It is the same in 2012.

It is true that these elections should not be taken as a final yardstick of future electoral behaviour in Pakistan. This country is deeply frustrated. The public is angry. Millions long for a break from the practices of the past that have pushed them on the margins of existence. But still these elections are a depressing sample of the enormous capacity of the voter to side with the champions of traditional politics, who refuse to disappear and are determined to retain their power at all costs. Pakistan may be changing, but electorally for now it has decided to stay the same.

Published in The Express Tribune, March 9th, 2012.

COMMENTS (57)

Kitabistan | 12 years ago | Reply @haris ali: and the elections PTI contested in 2002 were free and fair? by contrast the 2008 elections were relatively fair when compared to the elections held by the Commando. Rose tinted spectacles and all that..
Zain | 12 years ago | Reply The only valid comment seems of the 'Realist'. People who think they are educated are in fact 'trained' to think in a particular way (of their subject). Similarly, mechanical brains and people with no knowledge on societal transitioning commenting on social issues seems ridiculous at this level of Pakistani politics where everything seems jumbled up and yet is being cleared (the change on it's beginning). PTI is just a bloody dream house where you can dream of ending a corruption in 90 days. It will take 5 years or more to see some sort of stability in Pakistan (if the next government is not hurdled by the ET and etc.). Think.
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