The fragile fabric of Pakistani unity

One of Pakistan's longest-standing challenges is forging unity amid its vast sectarian, ethnic and regional diversity. From Sunni and Shia sects to Punjabis, Sindhis, Pashtuns, Baloch and others, the quest to blend these identities into a cohesive whole has often faltered. Ironically, both Islam and Pakistaniat — the twin pillars of national identity — have weakened over time, pulled apart by political instrumentalisation, neglect and exclusion. Both could still act as binding forces but this requires leaders whose vision has not been blurred by institutions, sects and parties they are heading.

Islam was meant to be the spiritual and ethical glue that binds Pakistanis across sectarian lines. Instead, since the late 1970s, the state's policies have often reduced Islam to a political weapon. Zia's Islamisation drive was not just about law and ritual; it was about consolidating power by privileging certain sects and narratives over others. This sectarian statecraft sowed division, weakened Islam's universal moral appeal, and created fault lines that persist today. Rather than the Quran's timeless values — justice, compassion and mutual respect — becoming the basis of national unity, sectarian identities hardened. Madrasas with narrow curricula, politicised religious parties and street-level sectarian violence eroded the fabric of coexistence.

At independence, Pakistani identity was more about opposition to India than an affirmative vision. It lacked a pluralist framework that embraced the rich linguistic, cultural and ethnic diversity within its borders. Instead of celebrating Sindhis, Pashtuns, Baloch and Punjabis as equal stakeholders, the state often centralised power in ways that marginalised many groups. The catastrophic loss of East Pakistan in 1971 starkly exposed the failure to build inclusive citizenship.

The security establishment has long viewed itself as the guardian of national unity and integrity. But by stepping beyond defence into political and ideological arbitration, it has inhibited the evolution of democratic institutions capable of resolving identity conflicts peacefully. This has resulted in weak civilian institutions, unable to fully address sectarian and ethnic fractures through dialogue and inclusive governance.

A different path was possible. Pakistan's founders envisioned a country based on Islamic ethical universality and civic nationalism. The Constitution could have explicitly enshrined pluralism and equal citizenship, avoiding sect-specific laws that create winners and losers. Decentralisation and provincial autonomy would have allowed ethnic identities to flourish within the national framework, turning diversity into strength rather than threat. Education, media and cultural policy should have fostered shared narratives of resilience, sacrifice and common destiny, while encouraging respectful pluralism.

Today, Pakistan stands at a crossroads. Reversing decades of division requires bold, holistic steps. The state, religious scholars and civil society must promote Islam's Quranic core values — justice, compassion, consultation and human dignity. Inter-sect dialogues and a national code of religious respect are imperative. Pakistani identity should be framed around shared aspirations — education, development, dignity and global standing — not fear or exclusion. Textbooks, media and arts must celebrate all ethnicities as co-creators of Pakistan's story. The 18th amendment offers a roadmap; now it must be fully implemented with administrative capacity-building and transparency, allowing provinces to manage education, culture and local development meaningfully.

Civilian institutions must be strengthened to manage disputes through democratic means, backed by national consensus and guarantees from all stakeholders. Truth and reconciliation processes, acknowledging past injustices and alienations can pave the way for healing and inclusion.

If Pakistan continues down the path of "managed unity" through coercion and sectarian favouritism, both Islam's spiritual authority and Pakistaniat's emotional appeal will erode further. But if it embraces pluralism, decentralisation and civic Islam rooted in justice and compassion, it can become a pioneering model of Islamic civic nationalism.