The myth of female majority

Ever since the inception of Pakistan, men have always held the majority. However, expected gender ratios indicate that women should constitute at least half of the population, if not more, and yet they have always existed as a statistical minority. There are a number of factors that highlight not only the numerical disparity between the two genders but also the deep-rooted social and structural inequalities representative of a more general worldwide trend.

Globally, more boys are born as compared to girls. The male to female ratio (MFR) is around 105 boys per 100 girls born, indicating a high MFR at birth. However, the adult MFR is significantly biased towards females. The reason for this is the higher infant and adult mortality rate of males. Men are more likely to be victims of life-threatening diseases and violent crime. Moreover, they experience typically shorter life expectancies while women tend to outlive men by almost 7 years. Ceteris paribus, the higher the age bracket, the greater the number of females in a given population. The expected sex ratio unaffected by material factors ranges from 97 to 100 men for every 100 women (a low or equal MFR). Despite women’s survival advantage and a tendency to outnumber men in the long run, the world comprises a male majority. This phenomenon is typical of developing countries where socio-economic and patriarchal factors not only defy the natural balance but grossly alter the sex ratio in favour of men — as is the unfortunate case in Pakistan. According to the 2017 census, women constitute 48.76% of the population, men 51% and intersex 0.24%, resulting in a national MFR of 105:100. Based on the expected ratio, Pakistan’s population should have been somewhere in between 103.9 to 105.5 million women as opposed to the existing 101.3 million, unveiling the horrifying reality that in a population of 207.8 million, Pakistan has 2.6 to 4.2 million “missing women”. If the same figures are replicated to recent population estimates of around 220 million, the estimated number of missing women goes up to about 3 to 4.5 million.

Pakistan has a high MFR largely due to socio-economic factors. From the parental viewpoint, investing in a male child who is the future breadwinner has a higher pay-off in the long term. Such socio-cultural perceptions precipitate an unequal distribution of resources within the family where men have access and control of basic provisions such as education, health amenities and even food. In poor households where nutritional resources are scarce, many women give up their share of food or traditionally eat last and thus contribute to their own exploitation. It is no surprise then that girls share a higher burden of stunting and malnutrition in Pakistan. Moreover, since more than one-third of Pakistan’s population is afflicted with poverty, spending on female health is largely considered an avoidable expense. This then contributes to a high rate of maternal mortality in Pakistan — the second highest in South Asia. Women are exponentially more likely to be victims of domestic violence-related deaths. Consequently, the average female mortality rate is 121 deaths per 1,000 women around the world and an appalling 137 per 1,000 women in Pakistan. In contrast, the national male mortality rate is 175 deaths per 1,000 men, a relatively minor divergence from the world average of 172 deaths. While these numbers are indicative of the poverty and income inequality experienced by both genders, the disparity between male and female mortality rates in Pakistan reveals the intersectional inequality that women undergo owing to their low gender status.

In his paper ‘The Missing Women in South Asia’, Amartya Sen says that millions of women were missing in the region due to the disproportionately high rates of femicide and an unequal distribution of resources within the family — which is a “terrible story of inequality and neglect”. This indicates that gender equality has a positive relationship with the number of women in a given population, which is supported by recent statistics from various regions. Europe, with an MFR of 96:100, has fared rather well in reducing the gender gap, according to successive gender gap reports published by the World Economic Forum (WEF). Conversely, the Middle East and North Africa, with an MFR of 107:100, have consistently been ranked the worst by WEF in trying to reduce the gender gap. In China, the One Child Policy resulted in the significant underreporting of female births as well as a high rate of female foeticide induced by a preference for sons, giving rise to an appalling MFR of 120:100 at one point in time. From this, a correlation can be drawn: gender inequality promotes sociostructural forces that not only reverse the female survival advantage but also directly impede it. While many are willing to concede that women are subjected to inequality, they fail to make the leap from inequality to its insipid institutionalisation, eventually undermining women’s most fundamental right — the right to life.

The problem is more than a lack or inaccessibility of information and runs deeper than inequality, discrimination and exploitation. The problem is thinking of women as an inconvenience, as less deserving and ultimately, as less than human.

Policy interventions can play an important part in changing Pakistan’s MFR. Areas with a high MFR such as Balochistan, which has an abysmal ratio of 114 men for 100 women (much worse than the national average of 105:100), need to be prioritised for affirmative action. At the national level, empowering women financially can be a key step towards undermining patriarchal perceptions that undervalue women. Mainstreaming women’s contribution to agriculture by duly compensating female farmers can help tackle the problem of underpaid female labour. Moreover, introducing social safety nets for emergency cash relief is an important short-term policy tool that can be used to target female-led households and areas where female food insecurity is the worst. To ensure adequate nutritional intake of girls, the government can introduce nutritional meal plans in schools. Simultaneously, media campaigns may disseminate national dietary guidelines for maternal and child health.

Policymakers must be cognizant of the cross-sectional link between gender inequality, socioeconomic conditions and patriarchal norms if they are to detangle the myth of the female majority and the impact it has on women.