All-encompassing policy

Sadly, the national internal security policy framework does nothing to dissipate ambiguity in this context.


Farrukh Khan Pitafi February 28, 2014
The writer is an Islamabad-based TV journalist and tweets @FarrukhKPitafi

In the cacophony of televised debates, where scoring points is the sole purpose of every discussion, lack of structure and organisation in analyses can have devastatingly mind-numbing effect. As a television anchor, at times I feel my only job is to cock a snook at every policy and project of every government. And the result is before you. We, as viewers, have become inconsistent in the thought process, jumping from physical to metaphysical and then back to the realm of the mundane in a flash. Mercifully, there still is a serious viewership out there that doesn’t let you down whenever you try to make sense of abstruse realities of life. Three cheers for such viewers.

But the patchy discourse on key national issues that emerges from our prime time television shows usually eclipses the serious works of scholarship. Any sane discussion on important government policies is hence, sacrificed at the altar of cheap shots and then, mediocrity is celebrated. A case in point is the matter of national security. For the past four weeks, we have discussed hardly anything else on national television. And yet, all our discussions invariably result in the heightened sense of insecurity. I swear, if I have to watch a few more of such discussions I may feel compelled to seek out a violent militant and invite him to blow me up instead. How much time does it take for an anchor to do proper homework in order to present a reasonable programme on such a topic? But we just do not want to do the necessary homework.

It was with similar fears that I started reading the draft, nay, the part of the draft, of the national internal security policy that has managed to reach the media. And I am happy to report that all my apprehensions were forgotten in a heartbeat. This is a serious and comprehensive document. Despite some obvious omissions, it leads you to believe that the hearts of the authors are in the right place. And that is an accomplishment in itself.

For instance, in its vision statement, it doesn’t limit its scope to protecting life and property of citizens but also takes a step forward in promising protection of their socio-economic rights and civil liberties. I have often felt at a time when our way of life is faced by myriad threats, we do not put the necessary emphasis on the importance of civil liberties. But here is a document that does.

The policy framework is divided into a soft and a hard component. The soft component mainly focuses on research, coordination and the political process which features a Comprehensive Response Plan. This plan will outline essential steps for reconstruction, rehabilitation of victims, reintegration of radical elements, deradicalisation of various segments, national narrative reconciliation and reviewing and framing relevant laws. There is also a mention of a Youth Engagement Strategy.

The hard component includes a Comprehensive Deterrence Plan. It will focus on the revamping and strengthening of the national internal security apparatus, building synergies between law enforcement agencies and departments and setting up new efficient and cost-effective departments. Revival and restructuring, with the empowerment of the National Counter-Terrorism Authority is also promised, along with the establishment of a Directorate of Internal Security, where the country’s 33 intelligence and operational agencies will be represented for proper intelligence integration.

This ambitious document sees the counter-terror authority as the pivot of all above activities. However, even by the interior minister’s own admission, this authority is in really bad shape. It will need considerable work to become as relevant as is promised. Then there is the problem of jurisdiction. In the past, we have seen this crucial body being held hostage by the turf wars between ministries and departments. A debate still rages on whether its head should report directly to the prime minister, to the interior minister or that a new division of national security be set up to oversee it. Sadly, the document that I have seen does nothing to dissipate ambiguity in this context.

Also, one big omission is of counter intelligence. Prolonged conflicts result in the softening of state institutions, making them vulnerable to the penetration of hostile elements. Something needs to be done on this count too.

Published in The Express Tribune, March 1st, 2014.

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COMMENTS (2)

Feroz | 10 years ago | Reply

Nice write up but what will be the financial outlay to implement this policy. Does this policy have a system for fixing responsibility on those who failed to implement it. Will Intelligence officials be held responsible and dismissed for failing to prevent terror attacks under their area of command ? Will the Military be allowed to prevent the Police from investigations like happened after the Abbotabad raid ? Who will coordinate between the different arms of the Government ? Will hate speeches be allowed as is now ? Will the education system and syllabi be rewritten to eliminate bigotry and hate for others, depriving extremists of easy recruits ? I hope pious intentions gets translated into hard action.

unbelievable | 10 years ago | Reply

Interesting article - I guess author doesn't care that Pakistan is notorious for saying one thing and doing another which might lead some to believe that a security policy document isn't worth the paper written on. To be frank - you have had the same issues staring you in the face for over 12 years and a "new" written policy isn't going to be a panacea.

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