Revisiting national defence & security policy

During the current year, Pakistan experienced orderly institutional transitions. Power was transferred from one civilian government to another after the national elections. Similarly, the election of the president, appointment of the new COAS followed by that of the chief justice occurred without a glitch. These were positive developments for a nation that has suffered serious political setbacks in its march towards democracy. If the process continues, Pakistan’s frail state institutions will gradually gain strength.

The formation of the Cabinet Committee on National Security (CCNS) was also a sound decision. As the Committee includes all relevant power centres, it can act as an effective forum for institutional decision-making. One expects that soon it will have a functioning secretariat, planning committee and an advisory board and affiliated think tanks to provide independent and valuable advice. This forum should be able to improve coordination between major institutions, assist in formulation of well thought out policies and bring the civilian and military leadership on the same page. If we look back, our greatest failing has been that most of the major policy decisions on security, defence, and even foreign affairs, were taken independently by the army leadership and had a heavy security bias. Absence of institutional decision-making resulted in looking at problems in compartments and not holistically. It is this linear approach that resulted in the disastrous consequences of the 1965 war, tragic separation of erstwhile East Pakistan in 1971 and the relatively more recent Kargil fiasco.

There is however, criticism from certain quarters that the government should have set up a National Security Council or a more powerful higher defence organisation as opposed to the CCNS. In the light of the prime minister’s previous experience with the top military brass, he was not prepared to accept these proposals. The prime minister seems to be more comfortable with the forum of the CCNS and truly, this is what matters most in restoring the civil-military balance.

Regrettably, three months have passed since the CCNS was established, but it has not met even once. Considering the magnitude of security, foreign and economic challenges that the country is facing, regular meetings at reasonable intervals should have been held. The need is to bring about legislation or rules of business that makes it mandatory for the CCNS to meet, at least, once a month.

The prime minister’s recent announcement of formulating a national security strategy and security policy was a long delayed but welcome development. Under the rubric of the national security policy will be the formulation of defence, foreign, economic, counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency policies. With the country facing multiple threats — insurgency in the tribal region, the volatile Western border, terrorism, militancy in Balochistan, lawlessness in Karachi, sectarian conflicts and the conventional threat on the eastern border — all require different responses. In such a complex security situation, it is essential to develop a comprehensive security policy that is responsive to all these threats. Many of these are mutually reinforcing. Addressing these threats would require, in addition to an application of force, several other elements of national power.

The nature of threat has changed over the years, but our responses, organisational structures and doctrines have been slow at adjusting to these new realities. The previous COAS, General Kayani, had correctly identified that the internal threat was the most dangerous. Pakistan’s participation in the Afghan Jihad in the 1980s and subsequently, the iconic event of 9/11 introduced the country to a new form of warfare that has no clear battle lines. Moreover, we are faced with unrealistic and ambiguous demands from militant groups that cannot be met by any self-respecting leader in authority. The threat from India has receded although the challenge from there is now of a different nature. So, the CCNS will have to give maximum attention to the internal threat.

Pakistan’s new civil and military leadership realises that supporting jihadists would mean inviting internal threats and adversarial relationships with all its neighbours and the international community. But to cut off ties from radical groups is not an easy task and has to be executed through a well thought out and nuanced policy. The deradicalisation and reintegration of militant groups should be a matter demanding the serious attention of the CCNS.

The CCNS will soon have to take a decision on wresting control in North Waziristan. It is time that we gave up the policy of remaining passive observers to the activities of the militant groups as a part of misplaced convergence with some of their objectives, or as long as the activities are not directed against Pakistan.

In today’s world, the way to enhance a country’s influence is through building strong economic and commercial links, creating cultural bonds and moving towards policy alignments. The use of asymmetric forces is no more a strategic asset but a huge liability. The militant groups, apart from posing a serious threat to Pakistan’s own integrity, undermine all genuine efforts at fostering good neighbourly relations with the US, India, Afghanistan and even create misgivings with our lone trusted ally China due to their fears of linkages between Uighurs and radical groups in the tribal region.

The most effective way to pursue the Kashmir issue with India is at the political and diplomatic level. And it is crucial that the military leadership in its collective thinking remains in sync with the political government.

Moreover, merely targeting a few militant outfits will not be enough unless attention is also paid to improve governance, control fiscal transfers and put a squeeze on sources of funding and suppress communications of militant organisations. And if this pressure is not enough, the government should resort to military operations to clear safe havens.

The world today stands united against terrorism and for Pakistan, it is a great opportunity to recast its policies as it will find both its people and the international community standing solidly behind it.

Published in The Express Tribune, December 25^th, 2013.

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