The many forms and shapes of pre-poll rigging

Few resisted temptation to term 1997 SC's govt dismissal a form of pre-poll rigging with then president, CJ...


M Ziauddin February 05, 2013
The writer is Executive Editor of The Express Tribune

The second government of former prime minister the late Benazir Bhutto was dismissed on November 5, 1996. She went to the Supreme Court against the dismissal order on November 13, 1996. Her petition was admitted by the Supreme Court on November 24, 1996 after having sent it back twice. On both occasions, the reasons given for returning the petition were chiseled too fine to justify the Supreme Court’s decision but not fine enough to dispel the impression that it was intentionally dragging its feet. And the big gaps that occurred between the time the petition was admitted and the intermittent hearings ending on January 29, 1997 reinforced the impression. And when the final verdict came upholding the presidential order only seven days before the general elections (February 3, 1997), very few could resist the temptation of terming it a form of pre-poll rigging with both the then president and the then chief justice colluding.

The purpose of all this, it seemed, was to deny Benazir the time and space to conduct her election campaign effectively and also to create uncertainty in the minds of her voters, who were already being overwhelmed by the corruption charges being dissected in the Supreme Court against their party and its leadership, and bombarded at the same time, by the media trial started soon after the dismissal as if on cue, of the PPP, Benazir Bhutto and her spouse, Asif Ali Zardari. Some even felt that it was being done to force Benazir to boycott the election.

My purpose in recalling in such detail, this episode of our sad history — especially the pre-poll rigging part — is not to whitewash the dismissed government and is in no way an attempt to accord credence to similar charges levelled recently in his letter to the president by the NAB chief, Admiral (retd) Fasih Bokhari, against the current Supreme Court. What I am trying to establish is that pre-poll rigging comes in many forms and shapes.

Financial misdemeanours, nepotism and influence-peddling should never be condoned, especially if indulged in by those who aspire to represent the people of Pakistan in the elected assemblies. Such people should be barred from contesting elections. But I am not very sure if those who fulfil to the dot, the criteria laid down under the constitutional clauses 62 and 63, would like to soil their hands in not-so-savoury a profession like politics. And what is the guarantee that such persons would succeed even if they were to choose to enter the rough and tumble of politics? I am sure Allama Iqbal would never have talked about ‘changaziat’ if he had known how we would mix ‘siyasat’ and ‘deen’ under the 62, 63 brew.

The way these clauses are now being bandied around day in and day out as the religiously sanctioned norm to judge the suitability of a politician, there appears to be just one purpose behind it and that is to put a hatchet in the hands of those who would be sitting in judgment (they, too, would perhaps, fail the test) to do some pre-and post-poll rigging to ensure ‘desirable’ results.

Meanwhile, many seem to be still banking on the possibility (a wishful one, I am sure) of Justice (retd) Fakhruddin G Ebrahim, the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC), resigning after an interim government is installed. As the Constitution does not allow the interim government to appoint a CEC to replace the outgoing one, these day-dreamers are hoping that if such an eventuality presents itself, the Supreme Court would directly take over the CEC. And they are further hoping against hope that once the Supreme Court gets into a position of calling the shots, it would take upon itself, as did the military dictators in the past, to cleanse the stable for which the Court would hopefully rule that it would stay in the saddle until it has succeeded in turning Pakistan into a land of the pristine Pure where rivers of milk and honey would flow from every nook and cranny. What a Sheikh Chilli-type of dream! Get real man, the Supreme Court has already closed this door even against itself.

Published in The Express Tribune, February 6th, 2013.

COMMENTS (12)

Z Ali | 11 years ago | Reply This isn't liberal nonsense. This is not even liberal. This is the most pathetic and craven attempt by the writer to whitewash the real reasons for the PPP 's thrashing in the 1997 elections. By claiming that elections that were free and fair by all standards were "pre-rigged" under some great grand conspiracy he is trying his best to excuse that party from all responsibility for their defeat at the polls. That is the holy grail of all pipliyas, the myth that they should always win elections, and only lose when others cheat. Just exposes their martyr syndrome.
Anticorruption | 11 years ago | Reply

What's interesting is how the writer cherry picks the dubious letter by Fasih Bukhari and goes all the way back to 1996 to find an example of alleged pre-poll rigging against the PPP but completely ignores the various forms of blatent pre-poll rigging led by the PPP itself. Giving jobs to undeserving jialas, destroying national institutions in the process, diverting funds to selected constituencies, giving MNAs and MPAs special funds for "developing" their constituencies when their real job is legislation, using public funds for ads in the media to highlight the govts "achievements," controling the state controled media for pro-govt propaganda, and perhaps above all, the various instruments used by the feudal class to control constituency politics.

To this class of analysts, it's only pre-poll rigging when someone tries to confront their darling, the corrupt PPP.

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