Pakistan's moment

In an unprecedented way, Pakistan has not let hope down in trying to create space for peace between Iran and the United States. At a moment when the region seemed locked in a cycle of suspicion, Pakistan has kept the conversation alive. Since the war erupted after the February assassination of Iran's Supreme Leader, Islamabad has done far more than issue the customary calls for restraint that middle powers usually content themselves with. Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi has shuttled to Tehran again and again - most recently to press Iranian officials to accept the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding that Pakistan and Qatar brokered in June. Iran's own Interior Minister, Eskandar Momeni, has reciprocated with visits to Pakistan. Tehran and Washington have repeatedly said that the credit of the mediation between them goes entirely to Pakistan.

This is not a new story. Pakistan has played this role before. In 1971, when the United States and China had no direct channel, Pakistan became the bridge. It was Islamabad that facilitated Henry Kissinger's secret visit to Beijing – a moment that changed the architecture of global politics. That episode is not just a historical anecdote; it is part of Pakistan's diplomatic overture. It showed that Pakistan can operate in difficult spaces, and with enough credibility to be trusted by both sides.

The same pattern is visible today in the Iran-US context. Pakistan did not enter this space with grand claims. It simply used what it has always had: access, relationships and timing. Iran is a neighbour. The United States is a longstanding partner. Pakistan sits geographically at the hinge of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East – a location that gives it proximity to Iran, familiarity with the Gulf, and historical ties with Washington. This combination gives Pakistan a kind of diplomatic flexibility that few other states possess.

And Pakistan can talk to both sides. That is the key. Many countries cannot. Some are too close to Washington. Others are too aligned with Tehran. Pakistan occupies a middle space – not neutral, but accessible. When direct communication breaks down, states look for a country that can carry messages without turning the process into a spectacle. Pakistan fits that role almost instinctively.

Another reason Pakistan ends up in these roles is timing. There are moments in international politics when both sides feel the cost of confrontation rising. Pakistan stepped in at exactly such a moment. That is why more than twenty hours of direct engagement between American and Iranian officials took place in Islamabad, in what makes the highest level contact between the two countries since 1979. Pakistan didn't create the moment; it recognised it and offered a venue when both sides needed one.

But Pakistan's relevance today is not only about diplomacy. It is also about security. Over the past few years, Pakistan has quietly become a stabilising partner for several Gulf states. Saudi Arabia has deepened its security cooperation with Pakistan. Kuwait has sought Pakistan's expertise. Qatar has expanded defence ties. These relationships show that Pakistan's military professionalism and intelligence experience are valued in a region where threats are evolving and alliances are shifting.

This is where the Iran-US context becomes even more interesting. The Gulf is recalibrating. Iran and Oman have moved toward closer coordination. Saudi Arabia is reassessing its regional posture. Kuwait and Qatar are strengthening external partnerships. In this shifting landscape, Pakistan's role as a security stabiliser becomes part of a larger regional equation. It is not just facilitating dialogue; it is also helping maintain a sense of balance in a region where alliances are fluid and threats unpredictable.

Now, one might ask: how can a country with internal instability play such roles abroad? It sounds contradictory. Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa is struggling. Balochistan is wounded. Azad Jammu & Kashmir is restless. Karachi is not functioning at its full potential. Terrorists attack, regroup and return. Economically, Pakistan is stretched. Politically, it is unsettled. Yet internationally, Pakistan still matters.

This is the paradox of Pakistan's external relevance. A country can be internally fragile and externally useful at the same time. Pakistan's internal issues are real and must be addressed, but they do not erase Pakistan's diplomatic value. In fact, Pakistan's experience navigating regional crises has made it more familiar with the dynamics of conflict than many stable states. Pakistan understands the region's anxieties, its sensitivities, and its rhythms. That understanding cannot be manufactured by wealth or stability alone.

Pakistan matters in mediation not because it is perfect, but because it is positioned, connected and experienced. It has done this before. It is doing it again. And it will continue to matter, as long as it strengthens itself at home while keeping doors open abroad.