Signals of political decay

Signals emerging from the current political landscape are not a good omen for Pakistan's political system - a reality apparent to anyone with even a scant sense of politics. The preamble of the Constitution explicitly states that sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to Almighty Allah alone, and that the authority exercised by the people of Pakistan within the limits prescribed by Him is a sacred trust. In essence, this means that only the chosen representatives of the people are empowered to exercise political authority, and that all other organs of the state are subordinate to this mandate.

The entire government machinery is, therefore, accountable to Parliament. The Rules of Business framed under the Constitution make it abundantly clear that policies set by Cabinet or relevant minister are to be implemented by the bureaucracy and all subordinate bodies.

However, it has been observed that although the existing government claims full constitutional legitimacy, it has surrendered considerable space to unelected bodies, in negation of the spirit of the Constitution. In the process, democratic institutions are being weakened.

Without individual liberty - so long as it does not injure anyone - democracy cannot exist. Democracies are not built merely through inserting lofty words into a constitution, but through sound political practices in which government officials, whatever their nomenclature, do not overstep their prescribed roles.

It is painful that most political leaders have not learned the lessons of Pakistan's political underdevelopment. Since independence, democracy has struggled to take root because, amid intrigues and political wrangling, the political elite consistently allowed undemocratic forces to gain space. Historical examples abound: the dismissal of Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin in 1953 and the imposition of martial law by General Ayub Khan in 1958 reflect early interventions that stunted democratic consolidation. Later, the political manipulations surrounding Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's government in the 1970s, the coup against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in 1999, and the repeated impositions of caretaker or military-backed administrations illustrate a persistent pattern where constitutional democracy was subordinated to power politics.

In this context, the work of Professor Francis Fukuyama becomes particularly instructive. In Political Order and Political Decay, he stresses the importance of three foundational pillars of a modern state - first elaborated in its earlier volume, The Origins of Political Order. These three pillar are: a Competent State with the executive capability to exercise power; Rule of Law (as opposed to rule by law); and Democratic Accountability.

In an ideal system, a powerful and efficient state is kept in check by the people and by the law, both of which serve to restrain state authority. Importantly, Fukuyama's framework emphasises that political success depends on an effective - not merely a large - state, one capable of delivering governance and extensive welfare.

His argument is compelling: sustainable political order requires institutions capable of checking, channeling and moderating impulses that undermine the rule of law and institutional development. Thus, a strong state must coexist with the rule of law and democratic accountability.

Pakistan, however, has not yet sailed out of troubled waters. The political system is mired in a quagmire: dissenting voices are muffled, political activists are forcibly picked up in violation of the rule of law, and one by one, politicians are being coerced into submission. A singular narrative is being propagated under the banner of "national interest". Anyone daring to articulate an independent opinion risks being labelled a traitor.

The situation bears uncomfortable resemblance to McCarthyism - the era of political repression, intimidation and the persecution of perceived ideological opponents in the United States during the late 1940s and 1950s. That period, heavily associated with the Second Red Scare, witnessed widespread fear, accusations and the weaponisation of national security rhetoric to silence dissent.

Beyond repression, the structural weakness of political institutions has perpetuated the decay. Political parties often lack internal democracy, and elections are periodically undermined by manipulations of the bureaucratic machinery. The judiciary, bureaucracy and other state organs have at times acted as arbiters of political outcomes rather than neutral executors of law, further eroding public trust. Moreover, feudal and regional power networks continue to dominate political representation, limiting genuine democratic participation.

Alas, most political parties today, despite realising the gravity of the situation, remain trapped in personal vendettas rather than political struggle. In doing so, they unwittingly abet practices that could ultimately unravel the entire political system. If such trends persist, Pakistan risks a prolonged cycle where constitutional promises remain words on paper, political authority is repeatedly usurped, and democratic accountability continues to be sacrificed at the altar of expediency.

The remedy lies not in rhetoric but in rebuilding the institutions designed to uphold the Constitution, ensuring the rule of law and empowering elected representatives to exercise authority without interference. Only by embedding democratic practices into the political culture - respecting individual liberty, fostering accountable leadership and insulating governance from undue influence - can Pakistan hope to navigate out of this quagmire and secure a stable political future.