More provinces, extended federal territory or empowered districts

The idea of creating more provinces or administrative units has once again surfaced in Pakistan's policy and political discourse. Its proponents argue that smaller provinces and new administrative divisions would bring governance closer to the people, accelerate development and reduce bureaucratic centralization. Recently, a think tank based in Islamabad also organised a seminar to deliberate on the creation of new provinces, reviving a debate that resurfaces periodically whenever governance failures deepen or regional grievances intensify.

However, this notion of "more provinces as a panacea" requires a careful constitutional, administrative and historical review. Pakistan has experimented with multiple governance models since independence - and most have failed to yield stability or equitable development.

In his book Constitutional Development in Pakistan, GW Chaudhary described Pakistan as a "laboratory" of constitutional experiments - a metaphor that remains strikingly relevant even today. The country has witnessed repeated suspensions, abrogations and disruptions of its Constitution, each episode shaking the foundations of the federation and weakening institutional coherence.

Pakistan has already experimented with administrative units under parity, and later under President Ayub Khan, when the country was reorganised into two provinces - East and West Pakistan - each headed by a Governor. Local governments, under the concept of Basic Democracies, were created and turned into electoral colleges for the indirect election of the President.

The experiment did not work. Instead of strengthening unity, it deepened grievances, particularly in East Pakistan, where demands for greater autonomy turned into a movement for independence. Even in West Pakistan, the concentration of power led to widespread unrest, eventually forcing Ayub Khan to resign after violent agitation.

These experiences demonstrate that artificial administrative restructuring cannot substitute for genuine participation, equity and the rule of law.

Learning from these historical misadventures, the 1973 Constitution, framed through rare national consensus, created a federal structure that respects Pakistan's cultural, linguistic and administrative diversity. It clearly demarcates administrative, legislative and fiscal authority between the federation and the provinces.

The Federal Legislative List defines subjects under exclusive federal control, while all residual powers rest with the provinces. This arrangement ensures balance between unity and autonomy - the hallmark of a workable federation.

The Constitution also lays down a specific procedure for the creation of new provinces, which cannot be undertaken without a two-thirds majority of the legislature of the province concerned. This safeguard prevents arbitrary redrawing of boundaries and preserves the sanctity of federal consensus.

The issue of fiscal federalism - once a major source of friction between the federation and provinces - was settled through Article 160, which provides for the National Finance Commission (NFC). The NFC ensures equitable distribution of financial resources through consensus-based awards, thus addressing economic disparities and promoting inter-provincial harmony. With the opening of this Pandora's box, acrimony over the distribution revenues will further deepen, as the smaller provinces are already not contended with existing distribution formula. They contend that over time, the need to revise the NFC formula has become necessary due to changes in population, development levels and regional needs.

In this context a workshop jointly organised by the Good Governance Forum and the Institute of Management Sciences (IMSciences) emphasized recalibrating the NFC formula to make it more equitable and performance-based.

The workshop recommended: Reducing the population weight (currently 82%) to avoid disadvantaging smaller provinces; including forestation as a benchmark, since K-P contributes nearly 45% of Pakistan's forest cover; incorporating prosperity and performance indicators to reward efficiency and good governance; fnancially integrating the merged tribal districts into K-P's fiscal framework; developing a transparent formula for non-NFC transfers, such as under the BISP; and eliminating delays in NFC finalisation, which perpetuate fiscal imbalances and undermine provincial planning.

These recommendations reflect the spirit of the 1973 Constitution, strengthening fiscal equity rather than resorting to administrative fragmentation.

The major issue confronting Pakistan is not the number of provinces but the gaps in governance, which are deeply intertwined with the rule of law. Weak institutions, uneven enforcement and absence of accountability have eroded the state's capacity to deliver. Merely multiplying provinces will not solve these fundamental structural problems - it may, in fact, exacerbate them.

Instead of redrawing boundaries, the focus should be on empowering existing divisions, districts and local governments. Article 140-A of the Constitution mandates political, administrative and financial devolution through elected local bodies. Strengthening these tiers will bring governance closer to citizens without disturbing the federal balance.

Opposing the creation of administrative units on the pattern of divisions by abolishing provinces, this author emphasises adherence to the commands of the Constitution i.e. implementation of its provisions and laws in letter and spirit. Local issues can effectively be addressed through Article 149, which empowers the federal government to issue directions to provinces to ensure compliance with federal laws and to maintain coordination within the federation.

Pakistan does not need more provinces; it needs better governance, fiscal fairness and respect for the Constitution. The challenge is not geographic expansion but institutional consolidation. Real progress will come not from new boundaries, but from upholding the rule of law, ensuring accountability and empowering citizens through effective local governance.

All governance issues are likely to be settled once the federal, provincial and local governments begin to work strictly within the boundaries set by the Constitution. The same principle applies to other organs of the state. When every institution functions within its constitutional domain, Pakistan's lingering crises of governance and authority can finally find resolution.