Rationale behind Bangladesh's July National Charter

This is for the third time in the history of Bangladesh that a charter of reforms has been presented. The first one was presented after the exit from power of President Hossain Mohammad Ershad in 1990; the second one in 2007 during the caretaker rule after the end of Khaleda Zia's term as Prime Minister; and now, in October 2025. The reforms are meant for ensuring better governance, efficient functioning of state and rule of law. Unfortunately, the first two efforts for reforms failed to materialise. The current attempt at reforms called 'July National Charter' is also being criticised, particularly by the National Citizens Party (NCP) which says that it does not address critical issues facing Bangladesh.

What is the rationale behind the July National Charter and how will it help ensure political stability, better governance, administrative and constitutional reforms and the rule of law? How can the July National Charter yield positive results without the consent of Awami League, NCP and some other political parties? These are the questions which are raised by those who are concerned about the deteriorating economy and growing political violence in Bangladesh.

The July National Charter is named after the July 2024 student uprising against the Sheikh Hasina regime. In an article "Constituent power and a pathway for implementing July Charter" published in the October 20, 2025 issue of Daily Star, Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir writes: "The much-awaited signing of the July National Charter on October 17 represents a defining moment in Bangladesh's long struggle to restore democracy.

Emerging from the popular uprising of July 2024, the charter embodies the collective aspirations of citizens who sought to replace authoritarian repression with participation and accountability. Nearly all major political parties have now endorsed the charter. There are some who have not signed it owing to concerns about the charter's implementation rather than its content."

The day the charter was signed, scores of people, led by NCP, demonstrated arguing that the charter lacked legal basis and protection for those who were killed and injured in the July 2024 uprising. NCP and four left-wing political parties stayed away from the charter signing ceremony arguing that it lacked legal framework and binding guarantees for implementing the commitments made in the charter.

In its report dated October 17, 2025, Reuters news agency quoted NCP convener Nahid Islam as saying: "The signing of the July Charter by a few political parties does not constitute national unity." The report added that "the charter seeks to reshape the country's politics and institutions and give constitutional recognition to the 2024 uprising that forced Sheikh Hasina, a long-time prime minister, to flee to India."

A National Consensus Commission was established in February this year by the caretaker government of Dr Mohammad Yunus to reform the constitution, judiciary, electoral system, anti-corruption commission, and public administration. These reforms will have to be endorsed by the parliament with a two-thirds majority. There is also a suggestion that in order to seek legitimacy for the July charter, it should be put for a referendum. When NCP and Awami League are not a party to the charter, will all the efforts by the caretaker government to introduce reforms fail? Or, will the approval of BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami be enough for seeking political stability, administrative functioning, good governance and rule of law?

Mohiuddin Alamgir, in his article "What lies ahead for Bangladesh democracy" published in Daily Star, writes: "At its heart, the charter proposes sweeping changes: constitutional amendments, rebalancing executive authority between the president and the prime minister, reinstatement of the caretaker government, guarantee of electoral neutrality, judicial independence, and decentralisation, among others. What makes the July charter different from earlier documents is that it emerged after extensive consultations with political parties across the spectrum. Through these discussions, the parties agreed on some of the most contentious reform issues that have plagued Bangladesh for decades."

Given the frequent political upheavals in Bangladesh, it is anybody's guess how the July National Charter will strengthen democracy and ensure political stability. Three possibilities exist in this regard.

1) If the NCP, which claims to have rendered enormous sacrifices for removing what it calls the fascist regime of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina from power, changes its stance on July National Charter and agrees to support reforms enshrined in the charter, one can expect peaceful holding of February 2025 elections.

2) If Awami League, which was not involved in the process of consultation for introducing reforms, boycotts forthcoming elections, the legitimacy of the entire exercise will be questioned. The League, despite being banned from conducting political activities, is a major political party with a sizeable vote bank and political clout. It is in a position to destabilise the July charter of reforms unless it is unbanned and is allowed to participate in February elections. Critics argue that when the legitimacy of Dr Yunus as the Caretaker Chief Adviser is questionable and his government lacks electoral basis, how it can introduce reforms or hold a referendum. With mere support from BNP and Jamaat, the July National Charter cannot have any legitimate basis. Support from NCP and Awami League is essential for ensuring political stability in Bangladesh. In order to preempt an impending crisis emanating from the lack of consensus on the July charter, the caretaker government should approach the Supreme Court for an opinion on the legality of reforms. Moreover, the constitution of Bangladesh is silent on the holding of referendum. Supreme Court can also provide guidelines to the caretaker government in the context of holding referendum to seek support for the July charter.

3) The role of Bangladesh military is crucial in coming days particularly when the July charter will be promulgated and general elections will be held in February 2026. So far the military has not overtly intervened in politics and governance, but if Bangladesh is plunged into another phase of anarchy, military will have no option but to step in.

The caretaker government has done well by seeking political engagement; but for introducing reforms the involvement of Awami League is a must, otherwise its efforts for holding credible and peaceful elections will be in vain. Bangladesh is thus at the crossroads.