SCO power show framed by China's Victory Day legacy

Beginning as a small pact of nations united to combat separatism, sectarianism and terrorism, SCO has morphed into an economic and strategic alliance, now envisioning the leverage of a mega-scale market that represents 42% of the global population, 25% of the global landmass and 24% of global GDP.

The transformation of SCO into a broad-spectrum consortium has laid out a roadmap for peace and prosperity under three guiding principles: multipolarity; inclusive globalisation; and equitable global governance. The goals of indivisible security and a Eurasian security framework can only be achieved by acting upon these principles. Furthermore, these principles align with China's Vision 2050, which stresses that Global South must strive for a new economic framework, a new civilisation initiative, new connectivity corridors and new security arrangements. Taken together, these commitments represent a rule-based world order, using the UN Charter as its Magna Carta.

The SCO format, outlined above, is both complex and ambitious. It not only encompasses security and economic cooperation, but also cultural and civilisational preservation, as well as climate-related initiatives. This requires an extensive framework involving year-long activities, coordinated on a rotational basis by the host countries.

This year's SCO 25th Heads of State Council meeting created an impact comparable to last year's BRICS Summit in Kazan. What is often viewed as a routine annual event became a venue for strategic multilateral discussions, bilateral contracts, future agreements and new pledges. Russia and China signed a landmark agreement on the Power of Siberia gas pipeline, with Mongolia also signing on as a partner. Iran, Russia and China held a comprehensive sideline meeting focused on security and defence arrangements. Pakistani PM Shehbaz Sharif and Russian President Vladimir Putin held a reassuring meeting, emphasising their relationship as "traditional" and enduring.

Building on the three guiding principles outlined earlier, this year's summit gained additional significance as China invited a broader circle of international guests to coincide with the 80th anniversary of its victory over Japan. Among the non-SCO member attendees were North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, Slovak PM Robert Fico, the Hungarian Foreign Minister, Vietnamese President Luong Cuong, Malaysian PM Anwar Ibrahim, Maldives President Mohamed Muizzu, Nepal's PM KP Sharma Oli, Zimbabwe's President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto.

In a striking display, three NATO members - Serbia, Slovakia and Turkey - joined Xi, Putin and Kim, leaders often antagonised by the West. Not only did they attend the Victory Parade, they also held extensive bilateral meetings. The Slovak PM reaffirmed his opposition to Ukraine's NATO membership, confirmed Slovakia's continued purchase of Russian gas through TurkStream and requested Russian assistance in nuclear power plant development.

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan and Armenia submitted requests to join SCO. However, as expected, India blocked Azerbaijan's entry, while Pakistan opposed Armenia's application. However, both countries, being members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), received observer status, as the SCO this year granted dialogue status to Laos and observer status to the CIS, besides designating Kyrgyzstan as the next chair.

The most monumental point is the trilateral cooperation agreement between SCO, CIS and CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization). This collaboration will open new pathways of manoeuvrability within Eurasia, creating a framework that is by far non-Eurocentric.

No account of this event would be complete without mentioning Donald Trump who, on his Truth Social account, sent his regards to Kim Jong Un and Vladimir Putin through Xi Jinping, adding that they should "do that while conspiring against the USA".

Western media coverage reflected a sense of unease, even hysteria, at China's spectacular power display. While Western alliances appear hollow and agenda-less, gatherings like BRICS in Kazan (2024) and the SCO in Tianjin (2025) have manifested a palpable sense of momentum, the effects of which are becoming ever more visible in global politics.