Last week we suggested some actionable ways forward for governance to PTI in particular. The backdrop included a desire to see the 3rd option succeed to get a second chance, now or in the future. This continuing discourse is suggestive in the earnest, without insulting anyone’s intelligence.
Seven. For political portfolio assignment — at national and provincial levels — PTI be sensitive to demographic realities, ethnic composition and merit in a sincere and non-manipulative manner. Political considerations be kept subservient to strengthening the Federation and taking everybody along.
Eight. The Country should be divided into smaller administrative entities by creating more provinces, starting with the bifurcation of Punjab first. This would strengthen the Federation and weaken the hyper-nationalist and provincial forces.
Nine. Binding party-affiliated independents and other unreliable legislators through non-disclosure agreements and necessary legislation is a good idea. Party apparatus in the provinces should not be left at the mercy of ‘viceroys’ with the ability to blackmail the Party chief. With more time at hand for not being involved in routine administrative tasks, IK — as rahber-e-tehreek — should reach out to Party rank and file and other coalition partners across the country and abroad, rather than outsourcing it to lesser capable 2nd-tier leadership. He should not remain a distant king in a faraway Islamabad.
Ten. Bani Gala should buzz with academics, researchers, retired officials, corporate leaders, judges, journalists and generals, invited to help the Party leadership and the cadre form informed positions on various issues of national importance. The Party itself should follow the pyramid of staff, principal, executive and chief executive level decision-making process to make sound decisions. Impulse and U-turns be avoided.
Eleven. Supremacy of Parliament be restored. Judicial overreach be discouraged and the tendency to refer ordinary matters to the Courts be curbed. Suo-moto be accepted as an exception, and not as a norm under a re-invigorated Legislature.
Twelve. PTI should read the situation vis-à-vis TTP correctly. With a lot of blood at hand, TTP still touches a raw nerve. Maintaining friendly ties with Afghanistan, the Party must note that Kabul is also very keen to get rid of this legacy issue that inhibits its writ over the entire Afghanistan, keeps its recognition hostage and destabilises its relations with an indispensable Pakistan. Time is on Pakistan’s side, so haste, credit taking be avoided in reaching any agreement on less than very favorable terms.
Thirteen. Foreign relations be conducted through institutions and not impulse. The scope of decision-making be enlarged by engaging area experts on a regular basis. Knowing the penetration of pro-West elements in our bureaucracy, decisions be kept appropriate with vital, primary, secondary and peripheral national interests, as defined though institutional mechanisms present in the country. Our embassies be sufficiently staffed. Some accreditations need reconsideration. Our diplomatic corps is till one of the best, however, envoys be assigned benchmarks to avoid lethargy, sub-par performance and inject dynamism in diplomacy.
Relations with the US and the West are vital and till economic emancipation is attained — a tall but not impossible goal — counterproductive rhetoric be avoided. Efforts should be made to make Pakistan ‘positively relevant’ at all forums and with all important countries especially the US, UK and EU.
While avoiding bloc politics, IK must steer a pro-Pakistan course in dealing with China, our only dependable friend. Grasping the significance of CPEC as a pilot project for BRI, where China has invested its prestige and money, efforts be taken to actualise CPEC projects in line with the agreed ‘Long-Term Plan (LTP)’. Any snags and slacks be removed by a very vigorous CPEC implementation mechanism to be directly supervised by IK. This is where Pakistan can benefit the most. LTP details be dusted off and re-looked into. Military, diplomatic, economic and cultural engagement with China be further expanded as a policy goal.
Relations with the Arab World are vital for our foreign policy. Realising the Kingdom’s largesse, cooperation with Saudi Arabia, especially economic and military, be further enhanced. Fanciful concepts like any alternative to the OIC be shunned. Efforts be made to steer Iran from competition to cooperation through dexterous diplomacy, civil and military combined.
Central Asia, especially Russia is an important player in our region. Its clout and importance are likely to augment as the war in Ukraine progresses. Its oil at below market prices is vital for our economic liberalisation. Even Saudi Arabia has significantly jacked up oil imports from Moscow at such discounted prices. India has reaped a huge windfall. Boldly steering the nay-sayers camp in our pro-West bureaucracy, Russia be engaged for importing inexpensive oil and grain to reduce our import bill. With lowered anti-West rhetoric, this may be doable. And there are ways to make it doable without a loud signature.
India always poses a complex challenge. While pursuance of ‘composite dialogue’ is a moralistic goal, it needs to be understood that India never succumbs to moral pressure alone. There are tools that would compel India to listen to what Pakistan says. Empty rhetoric and looking the other way when errant missiles cross our airspace are not one of them. Deterrence be kept alive through robust, credible and immediate response like in the aftermath of Balakot.
To remove ambiguity among the Indian strategic community, especially its veteran cadre, nuclear thresholds and redlines be communicated officially, as explained in this space. Kashmiri freedom movement deserves our moral, diplomatic and material support. Freedom fighters be encouraged to take to heart lessons from the Afghan jihad.
One hopes the above two back-to-back articles on governance would be helpful for an inexperienced PTI. As far as the current saga that started under the Ramadan curse is concerned, it is suffice to say IK has to play the game by the prevalent rules. And these rules are dirty. Alternating between selective morality and principled stances will never be helpful, just like an endemic agitational politics outside the Parliament. This will weaken his hand, just like his famous dharna, whose emulations by others during his stint in power weakened his response ability.
From the current deadlock under a rapidly deteriorating economy, that nobody seems to care about, the only viable exit is agreeing to an immediate set-up of technocrats through a ‘grand dialogue’. Only after economic stabilisation, we must return to general elections and politics. Politics in Pakistan are always divisive and interest-based and these interests do not include national interest, unfortunately.
Published in The Express Tribune, July 28th, 2022.
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