Real rulers: How electables tighten their grip on political power

ISLAMABAD: A recent social media post quoting little known Khalilur Rehman, apparently a doctor from South Punjab’s Rajanpur district, attracted many hits.

When he was in his teens in the early 1980, an influential political figure of his area, Sardar Jaffar Khan Leghari, was elected to Majlis-e-Shura – the parliament – that came into being after a non-party based general elections held under late military ruler General Zia ul Haq.

Rehman was pursuing higher education and witnessed Leghari switching to Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP) before 1988 general elections held after the sudden death of general, who had come to power by toppling the PPP’s government back in 1977.

Rehman still in medical college sees the politician contesting for the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI ) – an alliance of rightwing parties cobbled together against Benazir Bhutto’s PPP in the next elections held in 1990.

In the years to come, he sees Leghari switching loyalties and contesting yet another election from the platform of the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q) – a party formed by another military ruler General Pervez Musharraf by breaking Nawaz Sharif’s PML-N.

In the last National Assembly that completed its term in May this year, he served as a lawmaker associated with the then ruling party the PML-N but now this ‘electable’ Leghari, to the further surprise of Rehman, is the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) candidate and espouses the ideals of change.

Electable – individuals or families who have personal clout in an area and a sizeable vote bank which is independent from affiliation to any political party – is a hackneyed term in Pakistan's contemporary politics and a subject of popular discussion before every general election.

In fact dynastic rule and ever increasing power of electable continues to dominate country’s political landscape. Few families are sitting at the top-most hierarchy of most mainstream political parties, who bank their fortune on their ‘electable’ power.

Results of successive elections show that whatever the party these electable chose to contest elections from, their personal and family background facilitates their entry into power corridors.

Apparently this is the reason why the PTI chief Imran Khan, who came to prominence with the slogans of change and egalitarianism, has finally admitted that coming to power through the so-called power of ballot is not possible unless his party embraces electable, irrespective of their credentials.

However, history of these electable goes back to the colonial era, when selected individuals were given large tracts of agriculture lands, stipends and titles in exchange for their support to the British Raj.

The British also established Zaildari and Numberdari system that arbitrarily provided this class an opportunity to gain upper hand in local politics in the rural areas.

In Muslim areas, many such notables were titled ‘Loyal Mohammadans’. They were intermediaries between the state and the subjects, and enjoyed judicial powers as unofficial magistrates in their area.

During the last phase of Pakistan movement, when prospects for creation of a new country looked brighter, a big number of feudal who had been contesting from the Unionist Party, a political group comprising Hindu, Muslim and Sikh individuals of landed aristocracy, joined the Muslim League.

In this regard, one of Allama Iqbal’s letters to the Quaid-e-Azam cautioning him that inclusion of such huge numbers of feudal might turn the Muslim League into ‘Zameendara League’ is on the record.

And it is an irony that the PTI last month denied Waleed Iqbal, a grandson of Allama Iqbal, its ticket as he was not good in 'elections science' and did not fit in the definition of an electable.

Soon after assassination of Liaqat Ali Khan, history witnessed a fierce infighting between Doltana and Mamdot, two powerful feudal for leadership of the Muslim League.

Both of them had joined the Muslim League after leaving the Unionist Party. Their tussle for power ultimately paved the way for the first martial law by General Ayub Khan in 1958.

However, electable have continued to dominate the electoral politics in every era both during dictatorial regimes of General Ayub, General Zia and General Musharraf and the democratically elected governments of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif.

Shah Mehmood of Multan’s Qureshi family entered the electoral arena in 1946 elections on the Unionist Party ticket against a Muslim League candidate. Today his eponymous grandson, Shah Mehmood Qureshi, is a prominent leader of the PTI.

During Zulifkar Ali Bhutto government, Shah Mehmood Qureshi’s uncle Nawab Sadiq Hassan Qureshi served as chief minister of Punjab. Qureshi’s father Sajjad Hussain Qureshi was governor of Punjab during the Zia regime.

Shah Mahmood Qureshi was Punjab’s finance minister when Nawaz Sharif was the province’s chief minister. Later he joined the PPP and became the PPP Punjab president. He was foreign minister in last PPP government before parting ways to join the PTI in 2012.

An important factor behind influence over common man is Pir-devotee relationship. Being custodian of a shrine adds extra dimension of spiritual and religious influence to the political influence.



Such electable blind following not only makes them formidable electoral contestants in their own constituencies but stretches their influence to far flung areas wherever their adherents live.

Qureshi also has spiritual followers in some constituencies of Sindh from where he is also contesting the upcoming polls. Among the political elite are also the traditional feudal lords coming from generations. They maintain their dominance over voters through large land holdings they possess.

From South Punjab to interior Sindh, most electoral contests revolve around two or more big feudal lords of the area. Their respective tenants are compelled to support them.

Party vote in some cases gives an additional edge to ensure victory in an election. Local electoral alliances, some forged on temporary others on long term basis, between different tribal leaders and feudal lords are important component of their politics.

Alliance between Mazari tribe and Dareshak tribe in Rajanpur is one such example. Caste and ‘bridari’ also plays important role to in success of an electable.

Since the state is weak, so is national identity. Voters in most rural areas across country vote under the spell of social links and commonality of caste in a patronage based politics. In most such contests, the rival candidate belongs to different but competing caste.

Political parties also give much weightage to population strength of their clan before allotting ticket to such candidates. In areas like in Dera Ghazi Khan and Rajanpur some personalities still possess the tile of Tumandar or tribal chief. So a voting for one’s ‘Tumandar’ is a normal practice.

Local bodies’ elections all over the world normally facilitate the introduction of new candidates from middle class in politics but unfortunately most of the local bodies’ elections were held in Pakistan during dictatorial rules.

Be it  General Ayub’s system of basic democracies, Majlis-e-Shoora of Ziaul Haq or the system of district Nazim introduced by General Musharraf, they all further consolidated electable who conveniently switch their loyalties and provide much needed political legitimacy to the military dictators.

A known name in national politics, Shah Mehmood Qureshi opted to become district Nazim of Multan in the local bodies system during Musharraf era to ensure hold of Qureshi family in local politics.  Many other parliamentarians resigned from their esteemed positions and preferred to get elected as district Nazim under Musharraf when he devolved financial resources to the local governments.

Those who did not join directly maintained their grip on local politics through kinship by securing their bother, son or a close family member part of it.

Kinship also helps in widening the circle of influence. One can strengthen the family’s dominance over local politics through inheritance. Another option readily used to enhance political strength is by forging matrimonial alliances in other powerful families.

Former prime minister Yousuf Raza Gilani from Multan has close family relationships in several districts and different provinces. Former Punjab governor Makhdoom Ahmed Mahmood is his brother-in-law, while the PTI’s Jahangir Tareen is also Makhdoom Ahmed Mahmood’s brother-in-law.



Pir Pagara family of Sindh is also closely related to Gilanis.  His maternal uncle is the Peer of Hujra Shah Maqeem in Okara. His family has relations with many other shrine custodian families in the country.

Perhaps these considerations were in her mind that an Oxford educated Benazir Bhutto nominated Sardar Farooq Leghari as president while her husband Asif Ali Zardari picked Yousuf Raza Gilani as prime minister, ignoring many middle class, diehard ideological workers of the party.

Inter-family relations between these influential personalities are not limited to only political elite. High level bureaucrats, military's top brass and business tycoons all become part of this clique.

Chaudhary Muneer family of Rahimyar Khan became influential in politics, when it developed matrimonial relations with the Sharif family and other powerful. This immensely contributed to their rising political influence.

Chaudhary Shajaat’s family of Gujrat is also another example of vast network of kinship across Punjab.

They are knitted in family relations with Attock’s  prominent Khatar  family, Sargodha’s Cheema family, Mandi Bahaudin’s Waraich family, Sialkot’s Cheema family, Wazirabad’s Chattha family, Mianwali’s Rokhari family and Haripur’s Gohar Ayub’s family. They also have many relatives in high ranked civil and military positions.

The younger breed of these electable enrolls in particular educational institutions which strengthens their political and social contacts. In the past attachment with Atchison College, Government College Lahore, FC College and Lawrence College helped to develop powerful lobby for each other.

Pakistan’s political elite and civil military bureaucracy mostly share affiliations to these institutions. Imran Khan, Chaudhary Nisar and Pervez Khattak were class fellows in Atchison College.

Despite his incessant incantation of bring new faces to politics, Imran Khan, preferred his class fellow and a friend as chief minister in Khyber Pakhtunkwa (K-P) where his party managed for the first time to form a government in 2013.

He had options to select anyone for the post from eleclectic choice amongst many young, educated people who got elected to the assembly for the first time.

Pervez Musharraf’s after coming to power appointed his friend Tariq Aziz as principal secretary. Aziz's appointment brought fortunes for his class fellow from FC college, Chaudhary Shujaat Hussain. Astute Shujaat became kingmaker in politics of the era under Musharraf’s umbrella.

He also served as prime minister for a brief period and fulfilled the dream of getting his cousin Chaudhary Pervez Ellahi elected Punjab chief minister, a promise reportedly made to him by Nawaz Sharif but not fulfilled when later assumed second term in office as the PM.

Almost all mainstream political parties have to rely on electable for electoral strength. Asif Ali Zardari made abortive attempt to revive lost PPP vote bank in Punjab by luring to electable few weeks back.

After an ephemeral romance and some insinuations, many electable who had quit PML-N in only days before assemblies completed term in May this year, first coalesced and formed a group they named Janoobi Punjab Sooba Mahaz. This group later merged into Imran Khan’s PTI after covert bargains.

Feeling the political atmosphere not congenial in Punjab for PPP this time, Zardari’s close friend and former president of his party's Punjab chapter, Manzoor Wattoo – a known electable – preferred to contest elections as an independent.

In the 2013 general elections that brought the PML-N to power, Nawaz Sharif had preferred many electable over middleclass workers. Most of these electable have already jumped the ship. Either they have joined the PTI whose prospects of coming to power are relatively brighter or have preferred to contest upcoming elections as independents, many on the symbol of Jeep, ostansibly backed my powerful establishment.

Getting elected as an independent means keeping options open to join any party after polls on terms and conditions of your own, especially if election results in a hung parliament.

Till the political parties evolve democratically at grassroots level, organizational setup with strong roots in masses, local bodies’ institutions get strengthened and politics is based on ideology and issues, the dominance of electable on political landscape would continue unchallenged, at least for a foreseeable future. There is an anecdote that electable do not change parties, their party is only the one in power.