Thirteen independent candidates won provincial assembly seats in the province, out of which nine formed the United Front claiming they would play their role for positive politics.

The group comprised Israrullah Khan Gandapur, Javed Akbar Khan, Haji Qalandar Khan Lodhi, Samiullah Alizai, Farid Khan, Shah Mohammad Khan Wazir, Malik Amjad Afridi, Malik Qasim Khan Khattak and Haji Abdul Mumim.

However, on Saturday, Shah Mohammad Khan and Farid Khan announced they would join the PTI following a meeting with K-P chief minister designate Pervez Khattak. A member of the group hinted the rest of the group would also extend its support to the PTI government.

Requesting anonymity, the member added another meeting was scheduled with Khattak for Monday.

Regarding the meeting on Saturday, he said independents met Khattak who asked them to join the government on the treasury benches. Independents will have a meeting of their own ahead of meeting PTI leaders to discuss whether to take the plunge or not, confirmed the lawmaker.

“I think there is no reason for us to sit in the opposition as we have to live up to the expectations of our electorate,” he said, explaining there was greater likelihood of the independents joining the ruling coalition.

The lawmaker was hopeful that PTI would accommodate the group on the treasury benches as the party had a fragile majority. “They will definitely like having more people supporting them on the floor of the assembly.”

Presently, four independents have joined the PTI, while two others have joined the Qaumi Watan Party (QWP). Samullah Alizai from DI Khan was the latest independent to join the PTI.

However, Israrullah Gandapur told The Express Tribune the group’s options remain open and it had not been decided whether independents would join the opposition or take on the treasury. The PTI does not have a majority capable of forming the government, and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl have not abandoned their ambitions either, he added.

Gandapur added the PTI formally offered members of the United Front to join the party on Saturday, but the group had asked for incentives similar to those offered by the Jamaat-e-Islami and QWP. The group’s conditions for joining include parliamentary secretary positions and the District Development Advisory Committee chairman seat. “PTI leaders told us they would discuss our offer with the party’s senior leadership,” said Gandapur.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 19^th, 2013.

In the provincial capital, over 200 protesters gathered at Firdous Chowk from where they followed the Grand Trunk (GT) Road up to the eastern tip of Khyber Road in front of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) Assembly. The demonstrators were prevented from proceeding to the Election Commission of Pakistan’s (ECP) provincial office and stopped at a security check post.

The protest was led by JUI-F senator and NA-3 candidate Haji Ghulam Ali, while other leaders also addressed the demonstrators at Rehman Baba Square.

Ali said the party would continue protests until poll results were changed. He alleged the election outcome had been subject to rigging and called on the government and ECP to accept failure in this regard.

Haji Jalil Jan and other speakers also addressed the crowd and demanded re-elections in Peshawar, Mardan, Nowshera, Swabi and certain tribal areas. They alleged the poll results were changed systematically to benefit a particular party and government officials also filled ballot boxes in favour of that party.

The leaders argued protests against the results were being treated favourably in Karachi and Lahore, while JUI-F demonstrators were being criticised in K-P.

In the run-up to the elections, the JUI-F had been confident about securing a majority in the province and had plans in place to install Fazlur Rehman’s younger brother Luftur Rehman as chief minister.

The party had also awarded provincial and National Assembly tickets to a large number of electable candidates. However, a majority of them failed to succeed and the JUI-F only managed to secure 13 seats in the K-P Assembly as compared to the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf’s 35.

The poll results set JUI-F chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman on the warpath as he refused to accept the PTI’s mandate in K-P. Fazl then tried to bypass the PTI by trying to form a coalition government with the Qaumi Watan Party and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). These plans were thwarted when the PML-N refused to deny PTI its mandate.

Having failed to grab power, the maulana – who earlier declared the provincial mandate “unacceptable” – opted for protests.

The PTI, meanwhile, has not responded to the allegations and has contained itself from attacking Fazl. However, in the days to come, the party is likely to take on the JUI-F. These developments indicate both parties are likely to have a very difficult relationship in the K-P Assembly.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 18^th, 2013.

Clause 130 (6) introduced by the 18th Amendment defines the size of the cabinet. It states the cabinet will be collectively responsible to the provincial assembly and that its total strength shall not exceed whichever is higher, 15 members or 11 percent of the provincial assembly’s total membership.

A proviso stated this limit will be effective from the next general elections following the Commencement of the Constitution Act of 2010 (18th amendment).

Exactly how this amendment will impact political manoeuvres during the formation of a coalition government, where political parties are vying to gain cabinet berths, is yet to be seen.

“Political parties previously got what they wanted. However, now they have to bargain within the ambit of the Constitution,” said Ahmad Bilal Mehboob, Executive Director of the Pakistan Institute for Legislative Development and Transparency (PILDAT). Mehboob pointed out the effectiveness of the amendment depended on politicians’ good will, as there were many ways to bypass such a restriction.

Regardless, he termed this amendment to be a good step in restricting the strength of the provincial cabinet. Mehboob explained the addition to the article represented popular sentiment, as the general public has been hostile to large cabinets. He also claimed the addition was likely to impact larger parties in the coalition setup because they would have to concede more seats to allies.

Fahim Wali, a lawyer, also maintained politicians could easily avoid this restriction. He said they could still appoint special advisors, parliamentary committee chairmen and even close relatives to lucrative posts.

“They can even adjust the number of simple majority as politicians are well ahead of the Constitution in such matters,” Wali quipped.

How the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), which is going to form a government with the help of the Jamaat Islami (JI), Qaumi Watan Party (QWP), and successful independent candidates, is going to tackle this legal restriction is yet to be seen. The JI has been offered at least three cabinet slots including finance and education along with Zakat, Usher and Auqaf. Meanwhile, the QWP is also pegged to get a similar number of slots and independent candidates will receive one or two ministries. This leaves the PTI with seven to eight ministries in the province.

PTI Provincial Secretary Information Aqeel Razaq said the amendment was not likely to have any impact on his party in forming the provincial government. He said the PTI cabinet would comprise of 15 ministers plus a speaker and deputy speaker. The JI, QWP and independent candidates will get nine slots, leaving the PTI with about six berths in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, he added.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 17^th, 2013.

JUI-F chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman had already vowed to protest on Tuesday against widespread rigging in K-P and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata). However, the decision to hold protests on Friday was taken at the party’s provincial general council meeting at the JUI-F Secretariat.

Speaking to the media after the meeting, JUI-F K-P chief Sheikh Amanullah and senior vice amir Maulana Attaur Rehman said the council had reviewed the electoral process and call for a protest was given after thorough consideration. “All district chapters of the party should arrange peaceful protests,” said Amanullah.

He said the JUI-F had also appointed former K-P Assembly opposition leader Akram Khan Durrani as the party’s parliamentary leader in the assembly, while Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s younger brother Maulana Lutfur Rehman has been appointed deputy opposition leader.

Attaur Rehman accused the authorities of rigging the polls, claiming the seats had been divided well before the elections.

He said the JUI-F rejects Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf’s (PTI) victory, adding it was not the public’s mandate. “We were considering Awami National Party and Pakistan Peoples Party to be our opponents. The PTI was not even considered as a third contender.”

Criticising the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), Rehman said it had failed to conduct transparent elections. “Various political parties are protesting against rigging in Karachi, Punjab and K-P; the ECP is responsible for this,” he said.

Rehman also demanded re-elections in some constituencies of Fata, claiming their polling agents were kidnapped on Election Day, ballot papers were misprinted and many polling stations were located in far-flung areas.

Rehman announced in case PTI, Jamaat-e-Islami and Qaumi Watan Party (QWP) form the government, the JUI-F will sit in the opposition. “However, we are still vying to form our own government,” he added.

In response to a question, he claimed the JUI-F was the most popular party in the province and the seats it has won are purely on the basis of merit.

Meanwhile, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) has also joined the chorus, claiming rigging occurred across the province on Election Day.

The PPP’s strength was reduced to a mere two seats in the provincial assembly from an impressive 30 secured in the 2008 polls.

Almost all of the party’s stalwarts lost their seats on May 11, prompting Provincial President Anwar Saifullah Khan to take responsibility for the party’s pathetic performance and tender his resignation.

However, the PPP followed in JUI-F’s footsteps and declaring the elections were rigged across K-P on Wednesday. PPP Provincial Information Secretary Liaqat Shabab said the party’s senior leadership, after having met on Wednesday, had decided to hold a protest against the election results.

“These elections were the worst-rigged in history, and we are going to launch protests against this manipulation,” said Shabab.  The party would also record their protest with the ECP. Shabab further said the PPP would contact other parties including the JUI-F, in order to persuade them to demonstrate against the results, adding his party’s leadership had also decided to demand re-elections in K-P.

Answering a question regarding Anwar Saifullah’s replacement, Shabab said the provincial president had resigned on moral grounds, but his decision had not been accepted by the party’s leadership yet.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 16^th, 2013.

PESHAWAR: Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F) chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman on Tuesday claimed elections in the province were rigged and said his party will protest against the ballot’s manipulation.

Addressing journalists at the residence of former Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) chief minister Akram Khan Durrani, Fazl fired his salvo against the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) following a meeting of his internal coterie.

The PTI and JUI-F have been at logger heads for several months and continuously traded barbs during their election campaigns. However, Fazl went a step forward this time and said after a thorough review of the electoral process and consultations with the party’s local chapter, the JUI-F would not accept PTI’s mandate in K-P.

He said his party welcomed the elections and fully participated in the process. However, the provincial results were not acceptable as the polls had become controversial, he added.

Fazl also blamed the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) for failing to ensure fair and free elections, adding elections in Peshawar, Mardan and Kohat along with some NA constituencies in the tribal belt were clearly rigged. He claimed rigging also took place in Swat and DI Khan and demanded re-elections.

“Such elections where ballot boxes are stolen and political agents are tied are not acceptable to my party,” asserted the JUI-F chief.

Turning his guns on the ECP, Fazl said it was the commission’s responsibility to investigate the rigging as it was obligated to ensure transparent polls. “We will protest in all districts and our workers will take to the streets wherever such irregularities have taken place.”

Answering a question regarding the JUI-F’s attempts to form a government in K-P, Fazl said the party was in contact with the Pakistan Muslim League, Jamaat-e-Islami, Qaumi Watan Party, Swabi Qaumi Mahaz and successful independent candidates. Fazl said the Awami National Party would also be included in the government.

Meanwhile, PTI provincial president Asad Qaiser, while commenting on the JUI-F chief’s remarks, said the PTI’s mandate had made Fazl nervous.

A statement issued by Qaiser through PTI’s provincial media cell said Fazl was accusing the party of rigging when all other political parties had accepted the PTI’s legitimacy.

Qaiser claimed Fazl began accusing other parties after not being able to enter the provincial government. The statement added the people of K-P had rejected Fazl’s politics, and realised he was using religion to mask his money making activities.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 15^th, 2013.

Earlier, PTI provincial president Asad Qaiser said they have achieved the required number for forming a government in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.

Addressing a press conference in Peshawar, Qaiser said the PTI has achieved a consensus on forming the provincial government after successful talks with the Jamaat-i- Islami (JI), Awami Jamhuri Ittehad Pakistan (AJIP) and five independent MPAs.

Earlier on Monday PTI provincial leaders held a meeting with JI’s Central Naib Ameer Sirajul Haq to discuss the power sharing formula among the coalition partners.

“Any party that has majority seats should be given an invitation to form the government,” said JI provincial spokesperson Israrullah Advocate. “We will hold a meeting of the party’s provincial cabinet and will formally announce partnering with the PTI in the coalition government.”

But it may not be that simple. The PTI has won 34 seats in the 99-member assembly, the JUI-F has 16, the PML-N 12, the ANP has five, JI and QWP have seven each and PPP has two. Independents make up 13 seats.

Coupled with eight female and one minority reserved seats, the PTI’s tally comes to up to 43, and with independents the QWP and JI, it barely reaches the simple majority of 63.

Speaking to The Express Tribune, Qaiser said that talks with the QWP were under way.

“We have received a positive response from QWP leadership and are confident that they will be partners in the collation government as their policies for the province are coherent with PTI’s,” he said.

He claimed the PTI will make an exemplary government in the province and will constitute a cabinet with the minimum number of ministers and advisers. “We will make tough administrative decisions and will appoint those bureaucrats on important positions who are known for their good reputation,” he added.

But it’s not all smooth sailing, as Maulana Fazlur Rehman is also angling for power in K-P.

“Both JUI-F and PTI have contacted us discussing the possibilities of forming a coalition government but we have not yet taken any decision in this regard,” said QWP Provincial President Sikandar Sherpao.  The JUI-F’s moves are said to be the reason the PTI had to move fast and announce that they want to make Khattak the chief minister

Now, the balance of power lies in the hands of not just the QWP, but also the independents, who may be forming a bloc of their own. An independent candidate, speaking on condition of anonymity, told The Express Tribune that eight of the 13 independents have formed a group. “We will hold talks on behalf of all candidates with the parties and decide the course of action,” he said.

Despite claims from both sides, the QWP has kept its options open and is likely to take a decision after the meeting of its party’s parliamentary board on Tuesday. Earlier QWP chief Aftab Sherpao told journalists that their options were open and they will take a decision which suits the interests of Pakhtuns.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 14^th, 2013.

PESHAWAR: ‘They came, they saw, and they conquered’ was what Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa witnessed on May 11.

The crushing defeat of the mainstream political parties across the province at the hands of the supposed underdogs of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf was reminiscent of Muttahida Majlis Amal’s landslide victory in the 2002 elections.

Imran Khan’s ‘tsunami’ swept through Peshawar, Nowshera and Mardan district, besides making deep inroads in the districts of Swabi, Swat, Kohat, Karak, Dir and the Hazara division.

PTI’s rise was unpredicted, literally. Barring a few constituencies, no one had expected the PTI – which was believed to be a party followed by a bunch of hyper-active cyber revolutionaries – to emerge as the strongest party in the province. But May 11 has changed this misperception.

K-P, a swing state?

K-P, however, has not been new to such surprises. Back in 2002, the province witnessed a ‘religious revolution’ when the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal was voted to power. In 2008, the K-P people voted out the MMA and elected the moderate Awami National Party to the assembly.

In the 2013 election, people rejected the religious, nationalist and federalist parties in favour of PTI’s ‘Naya Pakistan’. The party has caused a major dent in the vote-banks of ANP, PPP and JUI-F, which have virtually been reduced to nothing. All hopes of JUI-F were dashed to the ground as it expected to cash in on the disillusionment with ANP.

The PTI challenge

PTI’s win deprived the K-P Assembly of its veteran faces introducing a new breed of politicians. Living up to its name, ‘tsunami’ swept away most powerbrokers and influential politicians of the province.

Confident candidates like PPP’s former president Syed Zahir Shah, Mian Iftikhar Hussain, Pir Sabir Shah, Anwar Saifullah, Syed Aqil Shah, the Bilour family, Kiramatullah Chagarmati, Javed Abbasi and almost all lawmakers in the previous assembly were ousted. Some of these politicians had their eyes set on the provincial top slot.

The first task ahead is formation of a coalition government.

PTI needs 63 seats in the provincial assembly to form the government. Presently, it is leading the race with 34 seats. The party is also all set to have at least eight reserved seats in the 124-memmber house. It can also pin its hope on 10 independents who traditionally join the winning party.

Together with the independents and reserved seats, PTI will manage to cross the 50-seat mark. The party can then also look forward to forming a coalition with Jamaat Islami and Qaumi Watan Party in the province. The coalition will have to face a tough opposition which will comprise all the mainstream political parties.

If PTI manages to form the government, it will have to live up to its election promises. Foremost of which will be restoring peace in the province plagued by militant violence. Other major challenges will be provincial economy, infrastructure, development, corruption in the province.

In a nutshell, if any lesson one can learn from this victory is that the K-P people are averse to doctrines, rhetoric and empty promises. They want their representatives to deliver and, if they fail to deliver, they are rejected in the next elections.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 13^th, 2013.

Correction: An earlier version of the article was running an incorrect graph. The errors in the graph have been rectified.

With the exception of NA-1, Peshawar-I, the remaining three constituencies include the rural landscape. NA-3 and 4 comprise almost entirely of rural parts of the provincial capital, while NA-2 lies on the urban-rural divide.

All four seats are slated to be hotly contested, making guessing games and wager placements all the more risky and interesting.

NA-1 Peshawar-I

NA-1 Peshawar-I is the most coveted among the 272 general seats for the National Assembly, as it is the first constituency on the assembly’s roll call.

In the past, political titans like Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao and Benazir Bhutto, and aspiring titans like Imran Khan have contested this seat.

Benazir ran from Peshawar-I in the 1990 elections, however, she lost to Awami National Party (ANP) stalwart Ghulam Ahmed Bilour.

Bilour is contesting this seat on the ANP ticket yet again. He remains a formidable candidate in the history of NA-1 and has won this seat on four occasions:  thrice in the general elections and on one instance in the by-polls.

He first won this seat in the 1988 by-elections, after erstwhile Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) leader and present Qaumi Watan Party (QWP) chief Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao vacated it to become the provincial chief minister. The victorious loop continued in 1990, 1997 and 2008.

In 2013, Ghulam Bilour will face Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Chairman Imran Khan.

Traditional clout vs youth vote

The Bilour family has a strong vote bank in the city, which is in turn likely to be challenged by the PTI’s ‘youth factor’.  In this instance, age-before-beauty might be trumped by the youth factor. This, combined with the public’s disenchantment with the previous government, can play into Khan’s favour.

Nonetheless, Bilour is poised to garner the sympathy vote after the assassination of his younger brother Bashir Ahmad Bilour last December and repeated attacks on his party. Bilour senior himself narrowly escaped a suicide attack at an ANP corner meeting on April 16.

In conflicting quarters, Ghulam Bilour’s stock has risen following his call for a bounty on the filmmaker behind ‘The innocence of Muslims’.  Going against the secular strain of the ANP, his demand is likely to resonate with the religious electorate.

If past performances could hint to the future, then NA-1 has been a traditional battleground between the ANP and PPP. The PPP has its backing in the old city, while the ANP draws strength from the suburbs.

However, the PPP angered many when it awarded the ticket to Zulfiqar Afghani, the party’s district chief, after the seat had already been given to another senior leader, Azam Afridi.

Another serious contender in the fray is Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) Provincial General Secretary Shabbir Ahmed Khan, who won this seat back in 2002 in a Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) clean sweep. This time round, Shabbir does not have the MMA as his back as all religious parties are competing separately.

The Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) has awarded its ticket to Haji Shahnawaz, a businessman with no active political experience. Mohammad Afzal Panyala is the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) candidate for NA-1.

Currently, there are at least 18 candidates in the run for this stretch. The delimitation includes Old City, Cantonment, Gulbahar, Sheikhabad, Gunj, City Circular Road, Dalazak Road and Gulberg.

NA-2 Peshawar-II

This NA seat is regarded as the Arbab family’s political turf and has been the subject of a turf war between the ANP and PPP.

The family of PPP leader and former federal communication minister Arbab Alamgir’s father and erstwhile NWFP chief minister (1985-1988) Arbab Jehangir Khan has reigned in this constituency in the three periods of 1990, 1993 and 1997.

Twice – in 1997 and 1990 – Arbab Jehangir won on the ANP ticket; in 1993, he won from the PPP’s. In 1998, this seat went to Arbab Saifur Rehman from the ANP.

However, the Arbab’s could not withstand MMA’s victory in 2002 and lost this seat to Maulana Rehmatullah of the religious alliance. Arbab Alamgir made a comeback in 2008 as a PPP candidate, and is contesting the 2013 polls from NA-1 yet again.

At the moment, it seems ANP’s Arbab Najeebullah and PPP’s Arbab Alamgir Khan will give each other a good run for their money. Arbab Najeebullah is also the ANP district president.

The JI has fielded senior leader Dr Iqbal Khalil, while the JUI-F has awarded its ticket to the relatively inexperienced Maulana Saeed Jan. The PTI has awarded its ticket to Hamidul Haq.

NA-2 straddles Peshawar’s urban and rural areas. Places like Tehkal Lower and Upper fall into both categories.

The constituency also includes University Town and parts of Hayatabad. Karkhano Market, Regi village, Canal Road, Regi Lalma and Palosia, while Nasir Bagh is among the rural locales of NA-2.

NA-3 Peshawar III

Like the other Peshawar seats, NA-3 will not be an easy win for any candidate. The constituency falls on the northern side of the provincial capital and is predominantly a rural landscape.

The PPP’s Noor Alam Khan, who was the richest candidate in the previous National Assembly, is defending his seat against a flock of bigwigs.

In addition, PTI candidate Sajid Nawaz is the son of former PPP lawmaker Haji Nawaz. This, according to PPP activists, is going to impact Alam’s vote bank.

The affluent Alam is set to face another ANP Arbab – Arbab Inamullah Khan of Gul Bela. The other heavy hitter in the field is PML-N Central General Secretary Iqbal Zafar Jhagra.

Not to neglect JUI-F’s candidate former senator Haji Ghualam Ali – the ex-senator has the benefit of deep pockets, and has also served as the district nazim of Peshawar.

Before the 2002 delimitation, NA-3 was known as Peshawar-cum-Nowshera. But NA-3 was then separated from Nowshera and made a separate constituency.

In the past, this National Assembly seat was won consecutively by Arbab Mohammad Zahir: in 1988 as an independent candidate, then thrice in 1990, 1993 and 1997 from the ANP ticket.

Destabilising delimitation

In 2002, the religious alliance, MMA, destabilised the established political parties and families from this constituency. NA-3 was secured by Fayazur Rehman Alvi.

In 2008, the constituency fell to Noor Alam Khan and ANP candidate Hashim Babar was defeated with a narrow margin.

The ANP’s misfortune is losing its runner-up, Hashim Babar, to the PTI last year. Babar had developed differences with the party over a senate ticket allocation. As such things tend to go, Babar also developed differences with the PTI and is now contesting independently from the Khidmatgar Qaumi Jirga platform.

The JI has fielded its Provincial Information Secretary Advocate Israrullah for the seat.

NA-3 comprises villages on both sides of Warsak Road – Faqir Kallay, Chagarmati, Mathra and other parts the city which lie north of the Grand Trunk Road and touch the border of Mohmand Agency. Presently, at least 17 candidates are contesting the 2013 elections from this constituency.

NA-4 Peshawar IV

NA-4 is a recent addition to the constituency map of Peshawar and was created following the 2002 delimitation.

It is predominantly rural, and lies in the south of the provincial capital along Kohat and Bara roads, sharing a border with Bara tehsil of Khyber Agency, Frontier Region Kohat and Frontier Region Peshawar.

In the 2002 elections, this constituency fell to the JI’s Sabir Hussain Awan who beat ANP’s ‘sure win’ Arbab Mohammad Zahir in a ‘religious clean sweep’ of the Frontier. It was Zahir’s first defeat following the delimitation.

However, the JI boycotted the 2008 general elections and Arbab Zahir regained his former glory. Amir Muqam, then in PML-Q, was left behind in second place.

Muqam joined the PML-N early last year and was set to compete from NA-4. However, he later vacated this seat for the party’s information secretary Nasir Musazai.

Arbab anyone?

This time, the ANP has allocated the ticket to Arbab Ayub Jan, a National Assembly debutante. Jan also has the credentials of former agriculture minister in the ANP-led coalition government of K-P.

Misbahuddin will run for the PPP and Arbab Kamal Ahmed for the JUI-F, however, the latter has no active political experience. Arbab Kamal joined Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s ranks a mere few weeks ago.

Nonetheless, the facts remain the same – there are no easy predictions for how the political tables will turn in NA-4 come Election Day.

NA-4 is situated in the south of the provincial capital. Kohat Road, Badhaber, Mattani, and dozens of villages lying on both sides of Bara and Kohat Road fall within the constituency.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 30^th, 2013.

The issue came to light following the resignation of Haji Sharif Khan, PPP’s provincial finance secretary and election hopeful for the PK-9 Peshawar constituency.

Sharif resigned from the PPP and joined the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F), where he was awarded a party ticket to contest from the PK-9 seat. Sharif’s name is on the JUI-F’s final list of party nominees which was issued three days ago.

Meanwhile, PPP Peshawar District Senior Vice President Sartaj Khan’s position was taken over by Zafar Khan and the District Information Secretary Amir Zeb was also replaced, leaving a lot of anger brewing in the party’s ranks.

Sources within the PPP said the issue was deep-rooted and linked to a senior leader who quit the party some time ago. The unnamed leader attempted to take Sharif and Sartaj with him but they refused. When Anwar Saifullah Khan took over as Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) president, he managed to woo back the senior leader who also happens to be Saifullah’s relative.

One of the sources further added a group of landlords did not like party activists and were unhappy with the PPP’s Peshawar chief, Malik Tehmash Khan, as he had been an activist too.

Expressing concerns about the party’s chances in the election, the source said PPP’s position in Peshawar had deteriorated to such an extent that it may not be able to win another seat from the district, except perhaps PK-2 which is thought of as a mini-Larkana and has repeatedly been won by former minister Syed Zahir Ali Shah. However, Anwar Ali Safi, a PPP worker and hopeful for PK-2, rebelled against the ticket for the constituency being awarded to Zahir Ali Shah, choosing to contest independently.

Another source within the party informed The Express Tribune Safi had not been allocated a ticket in 2008 as well. According to the source, this time he refused to be sidelined saying the party should take activists into consideration too and not always issue tickets to the bigwigs.

In another twist, inside sources revealed the party’s candidate for NA-3 Peshawar-III and candidates for three PK seats from the NA-3 constituency were trying to topple each other. Former assembly member, Noor Alam Khan is contesting elections from NA-3, while former K-P assembly speaker Kiramatullah Chagarmati is contesting from PK-7. PPP Peshawar president Malik Tehmash Khan is contesting from PK-8 and Iftikhar Jhagra is contesting from PK-9.

In a separate issue, yet another source claimed a PPP lawmaker even donated Rs50,000 to the JUI-F a few months ago.  “The leadership was aware of the lawmaker’s overtures towards the JUI-F.  However, his good terms with Faryal Talpur saved him,” the source alleged.

Meanwhile, District President Malik Tehmash Khan, when contacted denied any differences within the party’s ranks in Peshawar, adding the decision to appoint, sack or replace an official is made by the provincial leadership and everyone is obliged to comply.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 28^th, 2013.

Today, the royal family of Chitral seems to be loosening its political grip, whereas Swat’s royal family is still deeply respected by its populace.

Chronicles of Chitral

In this far northern district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the great Katoor family’s rule came to an end after a dispute erupted between ruler Mehtar Muzaffarul Mulk and his brothers in 1949.

According to Dr Inayatullah Faizi, an academic and columnist, the princes’ uncle, Ataleeq Sarfarz Shah, consolidated his power, and the state remained under his sway for 20 years. In 1954, a powerful advisory council was established. This body continued to rule over the district until 1969, when the state was formally merged into Pakistan.

The one man responsible for the reemergence of the royals was Shahzada Mohyuddin. He entered politics on the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) platform in 1972 and is credited with ending differences within the royal family. Using his offices with Bhutto, he rallied extended offshoots of the family around his persona, and created even a constituency for himself.

“The royal family’s role in politics was completely based on Mohyuddin’s efforts,” says Faizi.

In a different vein, Hidayatur Rehman, an independent researcher, claims that the rise of Mohyuddin was a result of the advisory council’s mismanagement during its rule. Locals were forced to pin their hopes on the royal family, he says.

Mohyuddin’s political trajectory is not all smooth sailing. He lost several times – as chairman of the district council in 1979, against Nusrat Bhutto in 1981, in 1990 against PPP’s Ghafur Shah – but he won multiple times over, as well.

Today, his younger son, Shahzada Khalid Pervez, is contesting elections for PK 89 Chitral I. He faces tough competition, with four members of the royal family also contesting the seat — Khalid Pervez, Shahzada Gul, Amanur Rehman and Mohammad Kausar Chughtai.

No longer united, it seems that the royal family’s role is, indeed, weakening.

Stories of Swat

In the past, Swat was considered a prosperous and peaceful state, more developed than its surrounding areas.

“The visionary rulers of Swat state, particularly, Miangul Jahanzeb Wali, made it one of the most developed states at that time,” says Sadullah Khan, an old resident of Saidu Sharif.

Haji Rasool Khan, the assistant private secretary of the last ruler of Swat, agrees.

“Though there was a complete autocracy, Swat was ruled with a vision,” he says.

According to Haji Rasool, the merger of Swat with Pakistan on July 28, 1969, led to great uneasiness amongst the people.

“The last ruler of Swat, Wali sahib, was a principled man. Even after the merger, he would meet with the public daily and listen to their problems,” said Nisar Ahmad Khan, personal attorney of the royal family.

According to Nisar, the  popularity of the family is evident by the ease and frequency with which family members won elections. The family’s victories during polls are not few or far between.

After the 1969 merger, different royal members contested elections on the platforms of various parties. Politically, they were divided into two major camps: the Pakistan Muslim League and the PPP.

Miangul Aurangzeb, crown prince of the Swat state, remained a member of the West Pakistan National Assembly from 1956. He was once again nominated to the NA in 1962, 1965, 1970 and 1985. In 1997, he was made governor of Balochistan.

Similarly, Prince Miangul Amirzeb won NA-21 in 1977, and Shehzada Aman-i-Rome won NA-29 in 1988. Both ran on PPP tickets.

Miangul Adnan Aurangzeb, the son of Miangul Aurangzeb, served as a member of parliament from 2004 to 2008. His son, Asfandyar Amirzeb, was also very popular. Unlike his father, he started his political career with PML-N and was elected as MPA in 1997.

Unfortunately, he was killed in a roadside bomb blast in 2007, during his election campaign.

Another son of Miangul Amirzeb, Shaharyar Amirzeb, contested from PF-81 Swat-II in the 2008 elections but could not win.

Today, he is the only candidate from the royals to be a part of the 2013 elections. He is contesting PK-81 on the PML-N platform.

“Being an only candidate from the royal family, he will definitely have the support of the people,” says political analyst Bahrudin Khan. “He will certainly give a tough time to the other candidates.”

Published in The Express Tribune, April 24^th, 2013.