It was only when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto became the prime minister of Pakistan in the early 1970s that Sindh found itself being lifted out of its ‘colonial’ depths. Though Karachi was restored as the capital of Sindh when One Unit was dissolved in July 1970, the drift that had been caused between the city and the province in 1947 only kept growing with the former becoming one of world’s largest cities, whose population was estimated to be galloping at the rate five per cent per annum because of heightened influx into the city from all over the country. It not only had the largest population of settlers from India, but also became the largest Pakhtun city in the world. Nicknamed as mini-Pakistan, it had assumed a cultural character totally different from the other parts of the province. Not only a commercial hub, it was also leading the country in almost all spheres of life.
On the other hand, by the time the Sindh-based PPP came to power in the early 1970s, the rest of the province had drifted in the opposite direction, mostly because of sheer neglect. The cultural, ethnic and linguistic differences between urban and rural Sindh justifies the demand of the MQM for restructuring Sindh into two provinces. On the other hand, the historic link between the city and the province, plus the principle of unity in diversity, equally justifies opposition of the PPP and other Sindhi nationalist parties to any tinkering with the provincial structure. Also, the constitutional Clause 4 of Article 239 seems at the moment to favour the latter as the former does not have the required number of votes (two-thirds) in the Sindh Assembly to get its demand approved.
The same constitutional hurdle for the same reasons has frustrated the demand for creating more provinces in Punjab, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. As long as those who are demanding the restructuring of their provinces on ethnic, linguistic and cultural lines do not muster the required number of votes, the four provincial units of Pakistan are likely to remain intact. However, there is an urgent need to restructure the entire country into manageable administrative units as the population of Pakistan has almost tripled since independence.
Here, it must be taken into account that more provinces would mean more expenditure as each province will require its own elected assembly, a cabinet, a chief minister, a governor and provincial civil and police officers. Instead, while a political consensus is being sought on how best to tackle the issue of the demand for more provinces, we could, for administrative convenience, set up local governments after due elections. However, before we hold these elections, we need to hold a national census, conduct fresh delimitation of constituencies and introduce an agreed package of electoral reforms.
Published in The Express Tribune, November 2nd, 2014.
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It is a sorry state of affairs that even the editor of the express tribune did not read (or if he read but did not understand) the referenced article of the constitution. The said article in no way lays the framework for a "new province" but it explicitly deals with "altering" the limits of the provinces. This misinterpretation of the clause 239(4) started by the short sighted PPP needs to be dispelled. The constitution does not provide any framework of new provinces at all. Period.
India went for more provinces - states when popular demand became to loud: Jharkand and Uttarkand, Telanga and now maybe Vidharbha. Luckily we don't have one big bully state that can dictate all others. Uttar Pradesh is big enough though but not a bully.
Look at the map in the picture. It looks as if the line has been drawn by placing a foot-scale across the map :-)
Quota system is not an issue to divide any province. This is not even debatable.
Sindudesh is an option.