The two worlds — a delicate truth

The politicians have failed to introduce viable, structural reforms in the military to achieve civilian control.


Shabbir Ahmad Khan July 08, 2013
The Writer is a PhD Scholar at West Virginia University in the US

The concept of civilian supremacy over the armed forces is a hallmark of developed democracies. On the other hand, there are many developing countries in the world where the relationship between the army and the political elite is in a critical transitional phase. Political philosophers have evaluated, empirically, the phenomenon of civil-military relations, particularly, military intervention in politics. Samuel Huntington and Morris Janowitz are the leading theorists of civil-military relations. Huntington’s book The Soldier and the State (1957) is a classical work on civilian control over the armed forces. It is used as a manual for educating officers in American and Western military academies. Janowitz’s book Professional Soldiers (1960) focuses on how the military, as an institution, should be alienated from society. Huntington draws a clear line between military and civilian activities. Huntington emphasises on both subjective and objective civilian control, i.e., the civilian supremacy through ideological and professional controls.

In the body of literature present on civil-military relationship, there is no litmus test to quantify the degree of civilian control. However, the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) has outlined eight salient features that indicate effective civilian control: 1) the military’s missions, composition, budget and procurement, including how military policy should be approved by the civilian leadership; 2) political institutions, a strong civil society and a free media should also oversee the performance of the military; 3) a responsible and capable civilian leadership, having both defence expertise and respect for military professionals; 4) the military and its leaders should not try to influence domestic politics; 5) the military should be ideologically neutral; 6) the military should have a minimal role in the national economy; 7) there should be an effective chain of command and 8) military personnel should also have the freedom to exercise their rights.

As far as the history of civil-military relations in the developing world is concerned, the abovementioned theoretical parameters of an ideal relationship between the armed forces and the civilian elite seem to achieve the impossible. However, the aforesaid theory can help the leadership of nascent democracies to establish, at least, a minimal level of understanding between the civil and military leaders in order to consolidate democracy. The military’s political role has paramount importance in the developing world, particularly in the Muslim world, where the military is the major political force. In a recent development in Egypt, after the 48-hour ultimatum by the military, the army chief ousted the elected President, Mohamed Mursi, from power. Despite the democratic political developments in Turkey, particularly the recent court cases against the military officials, the threat of an Egyptian-style episode remains alive if the protest at Taksim Square continues.

Similarly, in Pakistan, the relationship between the military leaders and the civilian political elite will be one of the major issues before the newly-elected government of the PML-N. There are obviously grey areas over major concerns in both domestic and foreign policy, between the military and the PML-N leadership. Nawaz Sharif will certainly walk a tightrope to maintain a delicate balance while dealing with the military top brass and keeping in mind past experiences.

After explaining the theory, it seems more important to know how the objective of civilian control could be achieved. I do agree with Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani that the game of hide and seek between democracy and dictatorship cannot end by retribution. I also agree that the civilian leaders have failed miserably to rise above linguistic, ethnic, regional, sectarian and personal biases. The politicians have also failed to introduce viable, solid and structural reforms in the military in order to achieve civilian control slowly and imperceptibly.

Published in The Express Tribune, July 9th, 2013.

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COMMENTS (4)

mustaqeem | 11 years ago | Reply

very well written, atlesast someone came up with theories to support the stance

Max | 11 years ago | Reply

@ Shabbir, Good job. If you are interested in civil-military relations, you may look at the following works as well. Eric Nordlinger Soldiers in Mufti, American Political Science Review, Vol 64, 1970. Also his path breaking work:Soldiers in Politics: Military Coups and Governments, 1976. You may also look at Guillermo O'Donnell's, Bureaucratic Authoritarianism: Argentina in Comparative Perspective. David Collier, Juan Linz, Philippe Schmmiter and several others have done an excellent work on civil-military relations. In particular David Collier's edited volume titled New Authoritarianism.

I wish I can guide you more on this subject but my age and health is not permitting me to recollect the bygone days. Good luck young man.

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