The scourge of monopolies

Under the ruling regime of firms forming “concentrated oligopolies” in Pakistan, price competition is stifled.


September 26, 2010

There is little news out of Pakistan that is good but the best one came out today. The Competition Commission of Pakistan (CCP) Ordinance is now law. It is not clear how much it has been watered down but with the law in hand the anti-trust regulator must move ahead with all deliberate speed and build on its fine work under the former leadership of Khalid Mirza and now that of a highly-regarded woman lawyer.

As I have noted earlier, Pakistan’s economy is “highly concentrated” in terms of its structure. This is most striking in manufacturing but also in other sectors of the economy such as banking. This concentration is reflected in a few firms (maybe only three or four) who hold a dominant market position (say 80-90 per cent or more of the total market). Under such a regime of “concentrated oligopolies” price competition is stifled. The result is that excess/monopoly profits, duopolies, cartels and market-sharing arrangements along with other anti-competitive abuses become common industry practice.

None of this is new of course. Pakistan’s economy has historically been concentrated, a revelation that first came out with the famous “22 families”, which was an important factor in Ayub Khan’s downfall, the break-away of East Pakistan and the rise of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and his socialist agenda. Pakistan’s industrialists came to be called “robber barons” who had profited behind (the) high walls of import tariff protection, quantitative import restrictions and, in some cases outright bans on imports.

The CCP is a worthy successor to the old moribund Monopoly Control Authority (MCA) which was set up during Yahya Khan’s regime. In all of its years in existence, the MCA did little or nothing. The hapless Pakistani consumer was routinely fleeced through high prices, hoarding, shoddy, defective and often dangerously unsafe products, and misleading advertising. Meanwhile, producers earned high “economic rents” which accrued from the ruthless exploitation of their dominant market position.

The CCP has a wide remit. I would urge them to take a close look at the banking sector in Pakistan. The “spread” between what banks offer depositors on the one hand and what they lend at on the other is a staggering 7.5-7.8 per cent and has remained largely fixed. A fixed spread is the hallmark of a deep structural flaw. In more competitive economies the spread is no more than 2-3 per cent. A spread close to 8 per cent reflects high costs and inefficiencies, over-employment, poor management, corruption, excessive pay, perks and outrageous bonuses to senior executives, an infected loan portfolio made up of non-performing assets and, most importantly, a dominant market position. Such a large spread between deposit and lending rates also reflects the criminal exploitation of small savers and depositors who place their deposits in banks (rather than keep their money under the mattress) because the rate of remuneration paid to them has always been below the going rate of inflation. Thus depositors receive negative “real” rates of return on their deposits/savings, a key factor in Pakistan being a low-savings economy. Furthermore, the fact that small depositor’s money is lent at high interest rates to “robber barons" and prime clients, there is a transfer of wealth from the poor to the rich.

While the CCP needs to look into this long-standing and blatant case of anti-competitive behaviour, the State Bank of Pakistan also has an important role to play as a regulator of the banking system. This it must do with alacrity and resolve and there can be no better person at the helm than the new governor, Shahid Kardar, whom I have known as a fearless and bold person since I first met him when he was an undergraduate student at Oxford University a few decades ago. Mr Kardar has written on the subject himself. He knows the issues and what needs to be done to fix it.

Published in The Express Tribune, September 27th, 2010.

COMMENTS (10)

Meekal Ahmed | 13 years ago | Reply @Abrar, First of all thank you for your kind words. I don't know if I deserve to be called an "exception" but it is very kind of you to say so. Shoaib and M.M Ahmad were Pakistani's. There were not 'imports'. Perhaps you are confusing the fact that Shoaib served on the World Bank Executive Board while he was also FM. That was a highly unusual arrangement. MM Ahmad served a long time in the Bank's Development Committee. But he was a home-grown Pakistani and served Pakistan. I think Moeen Qureshi of the Bank who was interim PM was quite brilliant and did a lot of good revealing for the first time the names of bank-defaulters. But his tenure, as you may recall, was for only three months. Shahid Javed Burki of the Bank was only there for three months in another interim set-up. Ishrat Hussain was actualy a World Bank man but became Governor of a central bank. The IMF deals with central banking (not the World Bank) so he was basically in the wrong job. His performance some feel was lackluster. Governor Yaqub was from the IMF and was Governor of the SBP. He was an extremely passionate advocate of macreconomic discipline and was very outspoken which did not earn him friends in Finance. They constantly under-cut and undermined him at every turn. He also threatened many times to "go public" about Finance cooking the fiscal books (even during an IMF program). That threat which he once made in a meeting with President Leghari earned him even fewer friends. I saw three of his letters of resignation myself -- on matters of policy -- and I personally intervened in one case to get the PM to tear the letter up because I felt strongly that he should stay. Yaqub did some very fine work at the SBP -- especially in some technical areas (such as reserve money management) and banking supervision. I would certainly give his tenure high marks. I agree about Shaukat Aziz -- a charlatan and a con-man. What would you expect from someone who was in-charge of "Private Banking" at Citibank? I would not call Tareen an 'import'. He came from the Pakistani private sector. Ms. Shamshad Akhtar (World Bank and Asian Bank) was way in over her head. The job was too big for her. I suppose Salim Raza (Citibank) you would also call an 'import'. He was not around long-enough to make an impact but if he did resign on principle, I salute him. Nadeem ul Haq in Planning is from the IMF -- again in the wrong job. He knows nothing of development planning or issues in health, education, roads, power, agriculture and so on. But we should await judgement on his performance. I personally think Hafeez Sheikh is a very decent man who has no airs about him and is a very competent economist. If news about his not declaring his assets and paying only Rs 7,000 as agriculture tax (and no income tax) are true then I am very saddened and disappointed. These are just my personal opinions for what they are worth. I would not condemn all of them with a single stroke of my pen, nor tell you they were all economic revolutionaries either. If you say they didn't do much and we have nothing to show for it just reflect on our favorite past-time: 'reform roll-back'. If some good is done -- even if it is under Bank-IMF duress -- we do it grudgingly and in bad faith but as soon as we are out of the woods (and the program is over), we roll everything back! So after 63 years our macroeconomic and structural reform agenda remains incomplete and unfinished.
abrar | 13 years ago | Reply Thanks for replying. The people of Pakistan have not yet had a good experience with former IMF and World Bank type retired expats. However you seem to be an exception, given your honest acceptance of what has been commented upon in these columns. People have had a very bad experience with the type of policies that were framed by Shoaib Mohd and MM Khan during Ayub's era. Shaukat Aziz wa a conman. Mr Shaukat Tarin has proven his credibility. I hope you keep on taking interest in Pakistan and kindly stop backing all these phony expats, including those from IMF and World Bank.
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